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Archive for 十一月, 2009

20091130/国会议员Dechert将随哈珀总理访问中韩两国

MP Dechert accompanies PM Harper on Historic Trip to China and South Korea

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

November 30, 2009

MP Dechert accompanies PM Harper on Historic Trip to China and South Korea

MP Bob Dechert and Mississauga Business and Community Leader Victor Oh prepare to leave for South Asia

Mississauga, Ontario – Bob Dechert, Member of Parliament for Mississauga-Erindale and Vice-Chair of the Canada-China Legislative Association (CCLA) will accompany Prime Minister Stephen Harper from December 2, 2009 to December 6, 2009 on a visit to Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong in China and from December 6, 2009 to December 7, 2009 to Seoul, South Korea.

Also, Mississauga Business and Community Leader Victor Oh, Honorary President, Mississauga Chinese Business Association will join MP Dechert and PM Harper in China.

Canada has 1.2 million Canadians of Chinese origin and Chinese, a combination of Cantonese and Mandarin, is our third most widely spoken language in Canada, after English and French. And there are also more then 42,000 Chinese students who are currently studying in Canada.

According to Statistics Canada, 2006 Census of Population and Housing, Mississauga has 46,120 residents of Chinese-Canadian heritage and 6,865 people of Korean-Canadian heritage. The constituency of Mississauga-Erindale is home to 15,535 people of Chinese-Canadian heritage and 2,100 people of Korean-Canadian heritage.

The Prime Minister’s visit to China will be a key opportunity to extend our presence in China and with our ability to promote Canadian interests. During his visit, PM Harper is going to make a historic address to the South Korean National Assembly. This will be the first time that a Canadian Prime Minister has ever addressed the South Korean Legislature.

Mr. Stephen Chu, President of Mississauga Chinese Business Association indicates, “Mr. Bob Dechert’s trip to China will definitely enhance the relationship between China and Canada.”

“With the economy in China being one of the largest emerging markets in the world, we commend the initiatives of the CCLA and its Vice-Chair, Bob Dechert, to visit with senior Chinese officials to enhance business opportunities for Canadian products and services in China,” said Audrey Chiang, Chair of the Mississauga Board of Chinese Professionals.

20091130/加拿大战史中的香港保卫战

infantry_hongkong.jpg
(Canadian Infantrymen, Hong Kong.)

The Battle of Hong Kong

December 8-24, 1941

Casualties

Country Killed Total
Canada 554* 1,050
Britain ? ?
India ? ?

*Approximately 290 Canadian soldiers were killed in battle and, while in captivity, approximately 264 more died as POWs, for a total death toll of 554.

hongkongmap.jpg
Map

Overview

On 8 December 1941, a day after the its Air Force had devastated the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbour, the Japanese Empire launched an attack on the Britsh Crown Colony of Hong Kong.

In the ensuing battle, the Royal Rifles of Canada and the Winnipeg Grenadiers – the first Canadian ground units to see action in the Second World War—fought valiantly to defend the colony. Initially, the Grenadiers were dispatched to the Gin Drinkers’ Line, a chain of defenses in the New Territories on the Chinese Mainland, to hold back the onslaught. But heavy air raids and artillery attacks forced the Commonwealth troops to withdraw from the New Territories to their garrison on the island of Hong Kong. After several days of heavy bombardment, the Japanese stormed the island’s northern beaches on the night of 18 December.

The Japanese, well-supported from the air and reinforced from the Mainland, quickly separated the British East and West brigades, thus severing the Canadian contingent into two. With both brigades isolated, it was only a matter of time before the Island would fall. Still, the Canadian defenders fought on in the face of the relentless Japanese assault and suffered heavy casulaties. On Christmas Day, the Canadians were forced to surrender; those who survived would have to endure three and a half years of hardships as prisoners of war.

Introduction

In the Second World War, Canadian soldiers first engaged in battle while defending the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong against a Japanese attack in December, 1941. The Canadians at Hong Kong fought against overwhelming odds and displayed the courage of seasoned veterans, though most had limited military training. They had virtually no chance of victory, but refused to surrender until they were overrun by the enemy. Those who survived the battle became prisoners of war (POWs) and many endured torture and starvation by their Japanese captors.

In October 1941, the Royal Rifles of Canada and the Winnipeg Grenadiers were ordered to prepare for service in the Pacific. From a national perspective, the choice of battalions was ideal. The Royal Rifles were a bilingual unit from the Quebec City area and, together with the Winnipeg Grenadiers, both battalions represented eastern and western regions of Canada. Command of the Canadian force was assigned to Brigadier J.K. Lawson. This was also a good choice because of Lawson’s training and experience; he was a “Permanent Force” officer and had been serving as Director of Military Training in Ottawa. The Canadian contingent was comprised of 1,975 soldiers, which also included two medical officers, two Nursing Sisters, two officers of the Canadian Dental Corps with their assistants, three chaplains, two Auxiliary Service Officers, and a detachment of the Canadian Postal Corps. There was also one military stowaway who was sent back to Canada.

Prior to duty in Hong Kong, the Royal Rifles had served in Newfoundland and Saint John, New Brunswick while the Winnipeg Grenadiers had been posted to Jamaica. In these locations, both battalions had received only minimal training. In late 1941, war with Japan was not considered imminent and it was expected that the Canadians would see only garrison (non-combat) duty. Instead, in December, the Japanese military launched a series of attacks on Pearl Harbor, Northern Malaya, the Philippines, Guam, Wake Island and Hong Kong. The Royal Rifles and the Winnipeg Grenadiers would find themselves engulfed in hand-to-hand combat against the Japanese 38th Division.

The Invasion

The Japanese attack did not take the garrison by complete surprise; the defence forces were prepared. On the morning of December 7, the entire garrison was ordered to war stations. The Canadian force was ferried across from Kowloon to the island, and by 5 p.m. the battalions were in position and Brigadier Lawson’s headquarters was set up at Wong Nei Chong Gap in the middle of the island. Fifteen hours before the Japanese attacked, all Hong Kong defence forces were in position.

On December 8, at 8 a.m., Japanese aircraft attacked the Kai Tak airport and easily damaged or destroyed the few aircraft of the Royal Air Force. The nearly-empty camp at Sham Shui Po was the next target, where two men of the Royal Canadian Signals were wounded. They were the first Canadian casualties in Hong Kong.

Wong Nei Chong Gap, scene of one of the fiercest encounters in the battle for Hong Kong. Here a company of the Winnipeg Grenadiers held out for several days and inflicted much delay and many casualties upon the Japanese. The Island’s main north-south road runs from right to left across the picture.

That same morning, the Japanese ground forces moved across the frontier of the New Territories and met resistance from the forward forces of the Mainland brigade. In the face of strong enemy pressure these advance units fell back to the “Gin Drinkers’ Line”. The defenders hoped to defend the line for a week or more but, on December 9, the Japanese captured Shing Mun Redoubt, an area of high ground and the most important strategic position on the left flank of the Gin Drinker’s Line. The Japanese had launched their attack under cover of darkness and there was fierce fighting, but in the end the Japanese were victorious. Their victory at night revealed how General Maltby had completely underestimated his enemy. In a dispatch he had noted that “Japanese night work was poor.” But within hours of their first attack, Shing Mun Redoubt was in enemy hands.

On December 10, “D” Company of the Winnipeg Grenadiers was dispatched to strengthen the remaining defenders on the mainland. On December 11, this company exchanged gunfire with the enemy and became the first Canadian Army unit to engage in combat in the Second World War.

Further Japanese attacks followed and the “Gin Drinkers’ Line” could no longer be held. Midday on December 11, General Maltby ordered the mainland troops to withdraw from the mainland. The Winnipeg Grenadiers covered the Royal Scots’ withdrawal down the Kowloon Peninsula. The Punjabs moved at night and the Rajputs, who had been left to guard Devil’s Peak, followed. The evacuation was successful and most of the Brigade’s heavy equipment was saved.

On December 13, a Japanese demand for the surrender of Hong Kong was categorically rejected.

The Defence of the Island

On the island, the defending forces were reorganized into an East and West Brigade. The West Brigade, commanded by Brigadier Lawson, consisted of the Royal Scots, the Winnipeg Grenadiers, the Punjab unit and the Canadian signallers. The East Brigade, under Brigadier Wallis, comprised the Royal Rifles of Canada and the Rajput unit. The Middlesex Regiment was directly under General Maltby’s command at Fortress Headquarters.

The Canadian battalions were divided and the Royal Rifles were no longer under Brigadier Lawson’s command. But ironically, both Canadian units were still charged with defending the southern beaches, where General Maltby mistakenly feared a seaborne attack.

The boundary between the brigades ran just east of the central north-south road across the island. Brigadier Lawson maintained his headquarters at Wong Nei Chong on this key road cutting through the island. Brigadier Wallis established his headquarters at Tai Tam Gap, a central position in the eastern sector.

To soften the island’s defences, the Japanese directed heavy artillery bombardment at the island, mounted destructive air raids, and systematically shelled the pillboxes along the north shore.

On December 17, the Japanese repeated their demand for surrender. Once again it was summarily refused, but the situation was very grim. With the sinking of two British relief ships off Malaya and the crippling of the United States fleet at Pearl Harbor, there was no hope of relief, and the Chinese armies were in no position to give immediate aid. The defenders awaited assault in complete isolation. Brigadier Wallis visited the Rajput Regiment’s headquarters on December 18, and wrongly assured the Indian military personnel that the Japanese would not attack. Like General Maltby, he grossly underestimated the fighting ability of the Japanese.

The Attack on the Island

The invasion came with nightfall on December 18. The enemy launched four separate amphibious assaults across a three-kilometre front on the northern beaches of Hong Kong Island. They came ashore in the face of machine-gun fire from soldiers of the Rajput unit who were manning the pillboxes.

From the shore, the Japanese forces fanned out to the east and west and advanced up the valleys leading to high ground. The Royal Rifles engaged the invading Japanese and tried to push them back. “C” Company of the Royal Rifles, in reserve in an area adjacent to the landing, counter-attacked throughout the night, suffering and inflicting heavy casualties. Other platoons of the Royal Rifles went into action on the west side of Mount Parker and suffered many casualties from the already-entrenched enemy.

The strength of the invasion force was overwhelming, and by early December 19, the Japanese had reached as far as the Wong Nei Chong and Tai Tam Gaps, again proving their effectiveness at night fighting.

The East Brigade

With the enemy well established on the high hills from Mount Parker to Jardine’s Lookout, General Maltby ordered the East Brigade to withdraw southwards towards Stanley Peninsula where, it was hoped, a counter-attack could be made.

By nightfall, on December 19, a new defensive line was established from Palm Villa to Stanley Mound, and a brigade headquarters was set up at Stone Hill. Unfortunately, some valuable mobile artillery was destroyed during the withdrawal. Even worse, vital communications were severed between the East and West Brigades when the advancing Japanese reached the sea at Repulse Bay.

The Brigade was now seriously reduced in numbers, with the Rajput Battalion being virtually wiped out defending the northern beaches. The East Brigade consisted of the Royal Rifles, some companies of the Volunteer Defence Corps and some Middlesex machine-gunners. The Royal Rifles were exhausted. Deprived of hot meals for several days, they had to catch whatever sleep they could in the weapon pits which they were continually manning. Yet, during the next three days, these men valiantly drove northward over rugged, mountainous terrain to join with the West Brigade, or to clear the Japanese from the high peaks.

First, they attempted a thrust along the shore of Repulse Bay in the hope of reaching Wong Nei Chong Gap - and the West Brigade. They managed to drive the enemy out of an area around the Repulse Bay Hotel. However, they were unable to dislodge the Japanese from the surrounding hill positions and were forced to withdraw. One company of the Royal Rifles was left to hold this area and a renewed effort to break through was made on December 21. Next came an attempt to reach Won Nei Chong by a more easterly route. Despite heavy enemy opposition south of Tai Tam Tuk Reservoir, the Royal Rifles succeeded in driving the Japanese out of a number of hill positions and in destroying a group holding the crossroads south of the reservoir.

Again the attack could not be maintained. The companies had become separated and they were out of mortar ammunition. The enemy was still pushing and Brigadier Wallis decided to withdraw his men to their former positions.

Fighting at Repulse Bay continued, but despite a valiant effort, the defenders had to be withdrawn.

After December 21, no further attempts were made to drive northward, for the troops were depleted and exhausted and the Japanese, who had been reinforced, mounted constant attacks.

At noon on December 22, the Japanese took Sugar Loaf Hill, but volunteers from the Royal Rifles’ “C” Company went forward and by nightfall they had recaptured the hill. Another company, however, was driven from Stanley Mound.

On the evening of December 23, orders were given for a general withdrawal to Stanley Peninsula. The exhausted Royal Rifles were taken out to Stanley Fort, well down the peninsula, for a rest. However, they were soon recalled for action as the Japanese were making advances which the Volunteer Defence Corps and other available troops could not contain.

The Royal Rifles celebrated Christmas Day, 1941, by returning to battle. Brigadier Wallis ordered a counter-attack to regain ground lost the night before. “D” Company was successful in this mission but suffered heavy casualties.

The West Brigade

The Winnipeg Grenadiers had also been thrust swiftly into action with the West Brigade.

On December 18, the Brigade consisted of the Winnipeg Grenadiers, the Royal Scots in reserve in the Wan Chai Gap-Mount Parish area, the Punjab Battalion in Victoria City, and a company of the Middlesex around Leighton Hill.

Charged with covering the southwest and west coasts of the island, the Grenadiers established their headquarters at Wan Chai Gap. Their “D” Company was back in Brigade Reserve at Wong Nei Chong. To be ready for action at a moment’s notice, “flying columns” were organized from the Headquarters Company and were billeted just south of Wan Chai Gap.

When the enemy landed on the evening of December 18, the flying columns were ordered forward. Two platoons were directed at Jardine’s Lookout and Mount Butler, where they engaged the Japanese in intense fighting. Heavily out-numbered, they were cut to pieces and both platoon commanders were killed.

Early in the morning of the 19th, “A” Company of the Grenadiers was ordered to clear Jardine’s Lookout and to push on to Mount Butler. Reports of its action are confused - so many officers and men became casualties - but it apparently became divided and part of the company, led by Company Sergeant-Major (CSM) J.R. Osborn, drove through to Mount Butler and captured the top of the hill. A few hours later, a heavy counter-attack forced this party back where it rejoined the rest of the company. Then, while attempting to withdraw, the whole force was surrounded.

The Japanese began to throw grenades into the defensive positions occupied by “A” Company of the Grenadiers, and CSM Osborn caught several and threw them back. Finally one fell where he could not retrieve it in time. Osborn shouted a warning and threw himself upon the grenade as it exploded, giving his life for his comrades. Shortly afterwards, the Japanese rushed the position and “A” Company’s survivors became prisoners. At the end of the War, CSM J.R. Osborn was awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross.

As the Japanese approached the West Brigade Headquarters, Brigadier Lawson decided to withdraw to a new location. However, before the action was completed the headquarters was surrounded. A company of Royal Scots attempted to provide assistance, but less than a dozen were able to get through. About 10 a.m. on December 19, Brigadier Lawson reported to Fortress Headquarters that he was going outside to “fight it out” with the enemy who were firing into the shelter at point-blank range. He left the bunker with a pistol in each hand to take on the massed enemy, losing his life in the effort.

After Brigadier Lawson’s death, and that of Colonel Hennessy, who was next in command, West Brigade was without a commander until Colonel H.B. Rose of the Hong Kong Defence Corps was appointed on December 20.

Meanwhile, “D” Company of the Grenadiers held on firmly to its position near Wong Nei Chong Gap, denying the Japanese use of the one main north-south road across the island. The Grenadiers inflicted severe casualties on the enemy and delayed Japanese advances for three days. They held out until the morning of December 22, when ammunition, food and water were exhausted and the Japanese had blown in the steel shutters of the company shelters. Only then did they surrender. Inside were 37 wounded Grenadiers.

The final phase of the fighting on the western part of the island consisted of a brave attempt to maintain a continuous line from Victoria Harbour to the south shore. The Winnipeg Grenadiers were sent to hold Mount Cameron, an important height in the line, and they did so despite intense dive-bombing and mortar attacks. On the night of December 22, they were forced to retreat as the Japanese once again struck in the darkness.

Now the line consisted of the Middlesex Regiment and the Indian battalions on the left, the Royal Scots on the western slopes of Mount Cameron, and the Grenadiers in the right sector to Bennet’s Hill. On the afternoon of December 24, the left sector fell and the enemy made further gains on Mount Cameron. The Grenadiers held their positions against heavy attacks and on Christmas morning regained some ground lost at Bennet’s Hill.

However, after a three-hour truce the Japanese again attacked. The Allied positions were overrun and the defenders were forced to surrender.

At 3:15 p.m. Christmas Day, General Maltby advised the Governor that further resistance was futile. The white flag was hoisted. On the east side of the island, a company was just moving forward for an attack when word of the surrender arrived.

After seventeen and a half days of fighting, the defence of Hong Kong was over. The battle-toughened Japanese were backed by a heavy arsenal of artillery, total air domination, and the comfort of knowing that reinforcements were available. In contrast, the defending Allies, with only non-combative garrison experience, were exhausted from continual bombardment, and had fought without relief or reinforcement.

The fact that it took the Japanese until Christmas Day to force surrender is a testimony to the brave resistance of the Canadian and other defending troops.

Aftermath

The fighting in Hong Kong ended with immense Canadian casualties: 290 killed and 493 wounded. The death toll and hardship did not end with surrender.

Even before the battle had officially ended, Canadians would endure great hardships at the hands of their Japanese captors. On December 24, the Japanese overran a makeshift hospital in Hong Kong, assaulting and murdering nurses and bayoneting wounded Canadian soldiers in their beds. After the colony surrendered, the cruelty would continue. For more than three and a half years, the Canadian POWs were imprisoned in Hong Kong and Japan in the foulest of conditions and had to endure brutal treatment and near-starvation. In the filthy, primitive POW quarters in Northern Japan, they would often work 12 hours a day in mines or on the docks in the cold, subsisting on rations of 800 calories a day. Many did not survive. In all, more than 550 of the 1,975 Canadians who sailed from Vancouver in October 1941 never returned.

Last updated on Oct 13, 2006
http://wwii.ca/content-42/world-war-ii/the-battle-of-hong-kong/


The Winnipeg Grenadiers, Hong Kong. Dec 6-25 1941

The unit whose actions will be followed and analyzed in this paper is the battalion of the Winnipeg Grenadiers during their two week struggle in the battle for Hong Kong 1941 against elements of the Japanese Imperial Army. The battle only lasted from the 8th of December with the initial Japanese attacks on the mainland forces defending Kowloon to Christmas day when Major General C.M. Maltby surrendered the remaining Commonwealth forces that were still attempting to hold the island. The Canadian battalions, the Winnipeg Grenadiers and the Royal Rifles, accounted for the bulk of the fighting and of the 1 975 men who embarked for Hong Kong from Vancouver only 1 418 survived the battle and subsequent years as Japanese POWs.

Were these losses then worth the gain? The hard part about this question is trying to come up with any sort of gain at all from the battle. It has been argued that their sacrifice slowed the Japanese invasion of the Pacific islands and that the better part of a division had been put out of action. These claims are, if examined dispassionately, quite ridiculous and seem to be clutching at straws to explain what was in reality a military disaster. What then must be looked at is the performance of individual units within the context of defeat. How well did they fight? Did they indeed inflict reasonable casualties on the enemy? How did their officers and NCOs perform?

Avoiding the political decision-making process that sent the two Canadian battalions to their destruction and focusing just on the Winnipeg Grenadiers, the examination of the unit that was sent begins with them as a garrison unit in Jamaica. The Grenadiers were formed in 1908 as a militia unit and were raised to become the 11th battalion of the Canadian Expeditionary Force. When World War Two began in Europe they were one of the first units to be mobilized and by October 1939 they were up to full battalion strength. The officer commanding was Lt. Col J.L.R. Sutcliffe a veteran of the First World War who served in France, Belgium, India, Mesopotamia, Persia, Russia and Turkey. The second in command was Major G. Trist, also a veteran. Both officers were viewed as ‘useful and competent’. The unit was originally designated a machine gun battalion but in 1940 was converted to a rifle battalion. They were put into garrison duty for sixteen months in Jamaica and during this time they had only two weeks of training at Montpelier Camp and not a single round was fired in training. In October of 1941 they were returned to Canada and warned immediately about over-seas duty

While in Winnipeg the men got to fire off thirty-five rounds each from their rifles for practice. The unit was also under strength for front line duty but they received 436 new men including 63 who did not even have their sixteen weeks basic training yet. There also was no training what-so-ever with any heavy weapons. A standard battalion in 1941 should have included twenty-one Universal Carriers and thirty-seven 1500 lb weight trucks. The unit sent had six carriers and twelve trucks. Of the other approximately eighty vehicles standardly assigned to a battalion there was to be no sign as the battle ended before they could arrive. Of the twenty-two Boys anti-tank rifles they were supposed to have the battalion had one. The Grenadiers actually had their mortars but did not have any ammunition for them at all. Despite these shortcomings the force set sail on October 27th with a total of ( between both battalions ) 1 975 men and arrived in Hong Kong on the 16th of November.

The Commanding Officer in Hong Kong was a British Major General C.M. Maltby. He commanded a force of 5 422 infantry and approximately 6 000 other possible combatants. Most of the Island’s defenses were set up to repel an invasion by the sea with large coastal batteries and armor-piercing shells for the guns. Maltby’s initial plan was to hold a thin line of defenses known as the Gin Drinkers Line with three battalions who would delay any attack on the Island itself as well as cover the demolition teams that would be sent out to blow up all the usable bridges in the route of advance. The Line was eleven miles long and realistically required around seven battalions to hold it. Back on the Island a second brigade of three battalions was formed under the command of Canadian Brigadier Lawson and this included the Winnipeg Grenadiers. The Gin Drinkers Line was supposed to hold for at least seven days.

The Japanese force facing the Line consisted of the 38th division of the 23rd Army with three regiments of infantry, the 228th, 229th and 230th. Backing this up was the 38th Mountain Artillery regiment, the 38th Engineering regiment and attached were two more Independent Mountain Artillery regiments, two anti-tank gun battalions, a mortar battalion, another engineering regiment, three transport regiments and two river crossing companies. The 23rd Army also made available their Army level artillery of heavy guns, two more Independent Artillery battalions and 40 Kawasaki Ki 32 single-engine bombers.

On December 6th Maltby issued a warning to all units to stand to their war positions. The Grenadiers ferried over to Hong Kong Island from their barracks at Kowloon in the morning of the 7th. Early on the 8th they were informed that they were at war now with Imperial Japan. The Japanese hit the Gin Drinkers Line on the afternoon of the 9th and almost immediately the Line began to fold. The Grenadiers sent company D over from the Island to act as a reserve but were never employed and went back to the Island on the 11th after only experiencing scattered artillery and small arms fire which caused no casualties. By the 13th the mainland had been completely abandoned.

The Island was broken into two commands. The East under Brigadier Wallis consisting of the Royal Rifles and the Rajputs and the West under Lawson with the Winnipeg Grenadiers, Punjabs and the Royal Scots. The Middlesex were scattered about the Island holding all of the static positions on the coast. The Grenadiers were stationed in the south-west and centre of the Island.Between the 14th-17th they experienced very little activity beyond shelling and air strikes. A company was at Little Hong Kong, B company at Pok Fu Lam, C company at Aberdeen, D company at the Wong Nei Chong Gap acting as brigade reserve, and battalion HQ was in the Wan Chai Gap in the centre of the Island.

On the 18th the Japanese assault began on the Island. The initial landing obliterated the Rajputs then hit the Royal Rifles and forced them south. The first action for West brigade came when Lawson sent three platoons ( one from each A, B & C companies - his reserve ‘flying column’ ) to set up road blocks at strategic points. Lt. Birkett went to Jardine’s Lookout where he was killed covering his units withdrawal when they discovered the position already occupied by the quickly moving Japanese. Lt. French went to Mt. Butler to also find the Japanese already there but he counterattacked them, took the hill, could not hold it for long, and was forced to withdraw when he too was killed. The 3rd platoon disappeared after being sent to a road junction to the north-west of the Gap.

Major Gresham was ordered with A company and a platoon of D company to re-take Jardine’s Lookout and Mt. Butler. This was done by dawn but a number of heavy Japanese counterattacks forced them off the hill and by mid-afternoon they were surrounded. During their last stand Company Sergeant Major J.R. Osborn deliberately covered a grenade with his body to save his men and was killed. He received the Victoria Cross for his action posthumously. They had run into an entire Japanese battalion. D company #17 and #18 platoons were hit by another Japanese battalion just north of the Gap and were surrounded then overrun with only a few men escaping.

By the morning of the 19th Lawson was facing a situation where A company had just disappeared along with a platoon from D company and two more D company platoons had been wiped out. That left only D company HQ, brigade HQ and the artillery HQ holding the Gap. They were deployed within anti-aircraft shelters with heavy steel doors on both sides of the Gap. One Japanese attack had already been thrown back when Lawson, now surrounded, called for a relief effort to be made. A company of Royal Scots were decimated trying and three Naval platoons met the same fate. A platoon of Grenadiers that had returned after finding out the road junction they were to hold was already occupied also failed to break through. Lawson destroyed all essential records and the telephone switchboard then led the HQ troops out to make a break for it. The HQ was wiped out and Lawson was killed. D company HQ was still fighting though and Captain Bowman led a counterattack which forced the Japanese to withdraw. They stuck back however and Bowman was killed withdrawing back to the shelters.

Maltby at this point ordered a major counterattack by West brigade to halt the Japanese advance, clear the Gap and link up with East brigade. The Punjabs failed to move and the Royal Scots took severe losses. The Grenadier HQ company under Major Hodkinson was told at 2 p.m. to clear the Gap and carry on to Mt.Parker. This despite the fact that Lt. Blackwell had only twenty men left from D company and the flying columns had been wiped out leaving just forty men to attempt the attack. They were joined by a platoon of C company brought up from Aberdeen. Lt. Corrigan and one platoon were to take Mt. Nicholson to cover the flank and they did with only five unwounded men left by the time they took the top of the hill. Despite this they carried on past the hill and fought until midnight when they ran out of ammunition. The rest of Hodkison’s force ambushed around 500 Japanese eating! These troops were dispersed and the carried on the advance. They were joined by remnants of A company of the Royal Scots. Hodkinson and four men flanked the Japanese positions at the Gap and attacked with Lt. Campbell coming in from the south-west and west. They broke through to D company HQ which was down to only seven unwounded men. They called back to battalion HQ and Sutcliffe ordered them to press the attack south to a police station on a knoll covering the entrance to the Gap then onward to Mt. Parker! ” It is difficult to judge which is most incredible, the order given by a Headquarters that obviously did not have the slightest grip on reality, or the little group of men actually undertaking to carry it out.”The station was attacked at 8 p.m. and when they started up the knoll the small force of two officers and twenty-four men met a hail of grenades from the forty or so Japanese defending the position. Hodkinson was killed and most of the force was wiped out. The few survivors under Sergeant Patterson tried to hold off but they were overrun.

A force from East brigade failed to get through the Gap from the south and the Royal Scots were decimated after two attempts. To further deteriorate the situation Col. P. Hennesy, the next succeeding officer in the Canadian ranks was killed by a fluke artillery shell thus leaving the two battalion commanders as the senior surviving Canadian officers.

Morning of the 20th had D co. HQ still holding the Gap, B co. at Pok Fu Lam and C co., less one platoon, at Aberdeen. The other companies had ceased to exist. At noon British Colonel H.B. Rose assumed Lawson’s position of brigade commander. Maltby’s orders to him were much the same as last day; Royal Scots and Grenadiers to clear the Gap and link up with East brigade. B co. split into two columns to circumnavigate Mt. Nicholson and when they got back together on the other side ran into three Japanese companies who took Mt. Nicholson and drove back B co. with twenty-three casualties. By this time the Japanese had lost around 800 men trying to take the Gap.

The next day B co. counterattacked Mt. Nicholson from three sides but were forced to withdraw as of the 98 men engaged they had lost all officers, seven NCOs and 29 men. The Grenadiers were ordered by Sutcliffe to fall back to Mt. Cameron. They were all together now except for C co. at Aberdeen.

Somehow D co. HQ was still holding on despite being under constant fire. At varying times elements of four separate Japanese battalions were arrayed against them. At 4 p.m. they and the rest of the Island were told of a message from Chaing Kai-Shek saying that twenty bombers were en route to hit Japanese airstrips and his ground offensive would begin in ten days. This of course never came about and was purely for morale purposes.

The 22nd saw the final fall of D co. HQ with only twelve unwounded men left ( who attempted to sneak out and were mostly successful ). At 7 a.m. the ammunition had run out, the doors had been blown in by a Japanese light field gun and their commanding officer had been wounded twice. The remaining thirty-seven wounded men surrendered.

Mt. Cameron became the key position for the brigade but it was hit quickly at 8:30 a.m. and the line was breached forcing the Grenadiers to fall back or become surrounded. They withdrew to Wan Chai Gap under intense pressure. C co. under Major Bailie saw the fighting on Mt Cameron and asked brigade HQ if he could assist but he was refused. He moved out any ways and reached Pok Fu Lam en route to Mt. Gough, the brigade’s supposed last stand line. The Japanese brought up two fresh battalions.

On the 23rd the Grenadiers reorganised and moved south to new positions just north of the Aberdeen reservoir and by 3:30 C co. had joined them.

The next day was bright and clear as the Grenadiers began aggressive patrolling to try to fix the Japanese positions. This was required because the Japanese now held all the high ground and this was the only way to figure out where they were now. The Japanese had also brought up the divisional artillery and another fresh battalion.

The Japanese attack at midnight with two companies succeeded in taking Bennett’s Hill after being repulsed once by Major Bailie. Nine hours later the Japanese sent two men through the lines demanding surrender. They were refused by Matlby although a three hour truce went into effect. At noon the attack continued and by three the Winnipeg Grenadiers started to crumble under the pressure and there were no reserves left. On top of this most of the Islands water reservoirs were in Japanese hands and there were only six mobile guns left and only 60 rounds left per gun.

It was due to these factors that at 3:15 Maltby came to the conclusion that further fighting was futile and could risk ” severe retaliation on the large civilian population and could not effect the final outcome” He therefore informed the Governor that the battle was over and ordered all commanding officers to cease fighting and surrender.The Winnipeg Grenadiers kept sporadic firing up until 5 p.m. then destroyed their remaining ammunition and weapons with grenades and moved to Mt. Austin barracks arriving at 7:30 p.m.

There can be no doubt that considering the lack of training the troops of the Winnipeg Grenadiers performed well above the level expected of them. The only unit which attacked more times then they did were the Royal Rifles. They were virtually the only unit fighting for control over the centre of the Island and twice they fought off Japanese battalions with only companies. The unit as a whole only withdrew or broke off attack after sustaining high casualties. They performed with a total lack of transport for movement or resupply, they had no fighting vehicles at all, weak to non-existent intelligence on enemy movements, they were in unfamiliar terrain and led by an HQ that was not at all clear of the tactical situations let alone the strategic one. In all the defense was futile but courageous. Officer casualties were disproportionately high due to them actually leading the attacks from the front. These men would lead ridiculously small forces to counterattack without any covering fire and no artillery support into positions of unknown enemy strength who held the high ground most of the time. The fact that any of these attacks were even successful for a short amount of time is amazing.

From a strategic point of view of course it was all for nothing. The Japanese took Hong Kong much quicker then they had anticipated and depending on which casualty figures you look at the losses to the Japanese of 2 500 to 2 800 men was not crippling. The allies lost around 3 500 defending the Island although the figure is inflated by the Japanese killing of wounded who could not walk.

The whole ‘campaign’ only lasted for seventeen and one-half days and the Canadian contingent which bore the brunt of the fighting were left with only 1 418 survivors after the war from the 1 975 who embarked from Vancouver. In no way could these losses be considered worth the minimal to non-existent gains acquired through the battle for Hong Kong Island.

Last updated on Sep 17, 2006

http://www.wwii.ca/index.php?page=Page&action=showpage&id=45

20091130/曾经的硝烟–1941年12月的香港保卫战

香港保卫战,又称香港攻防战、香港战役、十八日战事,是指第二次世界大战之中自1941年12月8日日本进攻英属香港至同年12月25日香港沦陷期间的战役。这次战役后,日军开始了在香港“三年零八个月”的占领。

背景

自1931年九一八事变起,日本即开始进攻中国。1937年7月7日,中国抗日战争全面展开,日军迅速占领华北及华东大部分地区。由于中国东部沿海一带落入日军的控制范围内,广东省一带的华南沿岸地区成为了中国从外地输入各种物资的重要补给点。为切断这条补给线,日军于1938年10月1日在广东大亚湾登陆,并迅速攻占邻近地区,广州在10月21日陷落。而部分日军亦驻守于宝安县(今日深圳市)深圳河北岸,与英军为界。英国明白最终会与日本一战,遂于1937年后逐步加强香港的防卫。

在1937年至1941年期间,在中国抗日战争中作为中立国的英国政府,仍然刻意维持香港的中立地位。这段时间进入香港的中国国民革命军一律根据国际惯例,缴械后送入集中营。而香港的华人虽然亦有为祖国对抗日本的战事出钱或出力,但是一切都需要在不影响英国和日本关系的前提下进行。然而,日本当局仍对此感到不满,曾多次向香港政府抗议香港华人的反日行为。

战前部署

根据1922年《华盛顿海军条约》规定,英国不能在太平洋范围内部署军事设施,使香港的设防工作受到限制。九一八事变后,英国亦开始担心香港长远也会受到牵连。英国在1933年的伦敦海军会议中通过废弃《华盛顿海军条约》。于是由1935年起,香港便开始展开其预算高达五百万英镑的防御计划。1937年底,当时刚上任的港督罗富国认为香港难以防守,曾建议香港列为中立的不设防城市,停止所有防御计划,但遭反对。而当时担任英国海军大臣的邱吉尔也曾表示“香港虽不能坚守,但一定要保卫”。所以,香港的防御计划继续进行。

1938年7月,港英政府通过了《紧急条例》,表面上保持中立,实际上积极备战。同年9月,更举行大规模的海陆空演习。大量难民从中国涌入香港,香港人口从1936年的约100万,增加至1941年的160万,港英政府更开始规定英籍成年人必需入伍义勇军,又通过条例港督可随时征用市民财产,主要包括楼宇及汽车。1941年11月末加拿大政府来了一船援军,因其军队训练不足,对防卫香港作用不大。

香港的防御计划包括香港岛及九龙多处,以及维多利亚港的东西入口,并均建立了多座重炮及口径16吋的钢炮,港岛沿岸建立70多座机枪堡,港岛沿维港北岸满布铁丝网,上环及青衣对出大海也满布铁链,只留青洲琉璜海峡供船只出入。香港岛的山头亦建立了多座碉堡及掩蔽体,渣甸山上更有2座机枪堡,日后对阻挠日军前进发挥了很大作用。防空方面则主要集中于香港岛,划分了多个防空区域,每区均设有听音器来辨别敌机方向及利用高射炮击落敌机,位置包括西湾(现时称为柴湾)、黄泥涌峡、南朗山、龙虎山及瀑布湾等。1940年底更积极训练使用新式高射炮。英方亦于8个月的时间内,在香港岛及九龙挖掘了60个防空洞,部分仍保存至今。

战事经过

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(经过新界地区的日军228步兵联队)

开战初期

1939年,日本与纳粹德国结盟。而第二次世界大战亦由德国攻打波兰揭开序幕。但当时同盟国之一的英国仍没有向轴心国之一的日本宣战。但到了1941年10月18日,东条英机出任日本首相,当时他积极筹备太平洋战争,更于11月6日下令拟订攻击香港的计划。

就在日本海军偷袭美国太平洋上的珍珠港后数小时,即民国30年(1941年)12月8日香港时间早上8时,由酒井隆中将所指挥的日军华南派遣军(第23军)之下陆军司令佐野忠义大佐(第38师团)指派步兵司令伊东武夫属下三大联队228、229、230步兵配合第66队北岛冀子雄炮兵团作先遣部队从宝安县(今深圳市)分打鼓岭、罗湖及新田3组进攻香港。当时负责防守香港的主要有步兵7个营包括英国两营、加拿大两营、印度两营步兵和香港义勇军6队,加上皇家炮兵团及港星炮兵团,配合皇家海军等总共约15,000人守军。然而英军自始即处于非常不利的的位置。日军方面,陆军有数量上的优势、士气高昂及训练充足,还有由广州开出日机飞行团在香港上空轰炸支援。反观英军方面,陆军由杂牌军组成,训练方面参差不齐,空中力量亦异常单薄,也缺乏雷达可以使用,最重要的是不同兵种间存在配合问题。

战事一开始,日军便出动空军轰炸前深水埗军营及启德机场,将英军的5架空军飞机及8架民航飞机全部摧毁,取得香港的制空权。英国海军在港有的10艘驱逐舰,包括泰维仁号、泰勒号及斯雅娜号等,也有十多艘炮艇作突击用途,当然也有部分之前仓皇离开,撤往新加坡。

九龙沦陷

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(日军38山炮兵联队横渡大埔广福桥)

battle_of_hk_03.jpg
(日军进攻尖沙咀火车站)

负责防卫九龙及新界的,是一个称为大陆兵团约5千人的英军和印军,其总部设九龙塘,包括第二皇家苏格兰营、旁遮普第十四团二营,拉吉普第七团五营,香港义勇军第一连及炮兵及一小队增援加军榴弹兵。根据预定的计划,英印军放弃难以守卫的深圳河,而将主力放置在九龙北面的山地上,称为醉酒湾防线。日军第三十八师团下的三个团:第228、229及230团,在12月8日早上起从正面越过深圳河,向南进发,228联队经林村上铅矿凹,229联队经沙螺洞、赤泥坪后过马鞍山出水牛山,230联队先去锦田、元朗及青山湾,沿青山公路出荃湾。英工兵和一连旁遮普军破坏大埔公路及九广铁路,但未能阻慢以土井定七大佐为首的日军228联队的前进。到了12月9日下午,日军228联队经已抵达醉酒湾防线上城门棱堡PB401。

当天晚上,日军第228团向PB401突击,最先发现日军的是驻守PB401的哨兵Laird下士,并即时用维克斯机枪反抗。A连长Jones上尉随即派出Rodd中士带7名普通兵沿管道作出增援,被日军于管道中气口投弹打败。日军攀上孖指径直扑位于西部的城门棱堡内A连总部作猛烈攻击,结果A连连长Jones及第8排长Thomas中尉等被掳,反抗时Thomas中尉被日军在爆破碉堡时弄至双目失明,可是Rodd中士逃亡时并无回A连总部而直接去拉吉普营D连免被捉拿。防守棱堡的苏格兰营A连被迫退至金山一带与D连会合。12月11日大陆兵团旅长瓦理士准将曾一度要求苏格兰营营长White中校作出反击却遭拒绝,并令其他苏格兰营向金山撤退。日军再次向金山发动攻击,同时在昂船洲的义勇军炮兵向棱堡发炮试图作出支援,但都错误地打中金山上守军,使B连及D连连长阵亡,金山失守,总部派出驻城门水塘一带印籍拉吉普D连救援,醉酒湾防线被突破,日军并于第二日占领青衣及直扑荔枝角。总部感到大陆兵团随时有被大包围危险,加上九龙总警司向旅长宣告警察放弃九龙,街上汉奸(即自称“胜利友”的黑社会分子)四处抢掠,英军被迫放弃九龙半岛。直至12月12日傍晚,除鲤鱼门北岸的魔鬼山外,九龙新界都已完全陷于日军。12月13日,最后留守九龙的拉吉普营乘驱逐舰撤离到香港岛,九龙沦陷。后来日军曾派代表要求英军投降,却遭到港督杨慕琦拒绝。

香港岛激战

之后数天日军不断炮轰及空袭香港岛北岸,包括在何文田架设大炮,由广州飞来日机轰炸多个英军炮台、以及通讯和发电设施。防守港岛的是从九龙撤出的部队、两个加拿大团、第一米德萨斯军团(1st Middlesex Regiment),以及义勇军第一至第七连。总司令莫德庇少将(Major Gen.C. M. Maltby)把港岛分为东西两旅,东旅由九龙退回来的瓦理士准将作总指挥,主要防守铜锣湾及深水湾以东的海岸线,包括北角至柴湾、大潭至赤柱及浅水湾,总部设在大潭道和石澳道交界的高地。西区则由罗逊准将任总指挥,把守西环及中环海军船坞、薄扶林及以至香港仔寿臣山等西部海岸,总部设在黄泥涌峡附近。维多利亚城等要塞由苏格兰营军及义勇军4及7连防守,要塞指挥部及联合指挥部都设在海军要塞内。

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(日军第10独立炮兵联队在宝马山攻击守军据点,前方为北角发电厂的烟囱)

12月14日,日军多次空袭香港岛的石油提炼厂、橡胶厂及多处民房设施,引发多宗大火,主输水管破坏,一部分地区没有食水供应,粮食开始短缺,围城战开始。12月15日深夜,日军企图在港岛北岸强行登陆,遭守军击退。12月16日,日军利用何文田山大炮轰击港岛北岸,波及民居(特别是湾仔区),同时摩星岭守军破坏九龙设施及油库。12月17日,两连日军敢死队强攻北角发电厂附近海岸,遭守军尽歼。12月18日晚上,日军击中北角油库,日军3大联队在黑暗的土瓜湾、跑道及茶果岭一带先用特制人力推动木筏静静地横过维多利亚港,其后用火船拉动特制登陆艇大规模快速登陆香港岛,皇家海军曾出动几艘炮艇拦截都失败,在北角至爱秩序湾由印军拉吉普营驻防东区一带登陆,拉吉普营奋勇反击失败,营长卢连臣中校及印军沿柏架山道退败,229联队剿灭拉吉普营A及C连后占领鲤鱼门要塞,攻入义勇军第5防空兵团驻守的西湾炮台并进行大屠杀,之后向南大潭及浅水湾推进,东旅曾一度派出加军来福枪队C连出西湾解围,但最后撤退,并一度在柏架山一带迷路。翌日天晓时,日军已占领原由加军来福枪队C连及第一义勇军驻守的柏架山、义勇军第3连的毕拿山及渣甸山,并向西旅总部黄泥涌进发。东旅司令希望打持久战,于是命令位于港岛东的东旅撤退至赤柱,却使西旅以东阳明山庄一带出现防卫缺口。

加军榴弹兵D连与义勇军第3步兵连共同扼守渣甸山及黄泥涌峡要道。虽然230联队推进渣甸山时遇上西旅守军而出现了自入侵香港以来未有过的大量伤亡,但228联队其中小队就从阳明山庄突然攻入黄泥涌峡,12月19日西旅总部被日军突袭,加军司令兼西旅旅长罗逊准将及僚属因要突围全体战死,莫德庇少将带旁遮普营及苏格兰营反攻黄泥涌峡但为日军所阻,结果第3连义勇军全被剿灭,剩下加军榴弹兵与苏格兰营一同退守中峡、金马伦山一带,后来西旅改由原义勇军营长卢斯准将带领作第二次攻击但失败。莫德庇少将坚决阻止守军被分割,命令义勇军物资分配军及皇家海军转步兵驻守浅水湾道中段,又命东旅派加军来福枪队及米德萨斯营驻守浅水湾及紫罗兰山径,东旅旅长瓦理士准将命香港仔旁遮普营A连沿寿臣山推进,皇家海军派出斯雅那号于南朗山对出大海助战,但结果大败,旁遮普营长Kidd中校被杀,义勇军物资分配军更被大屠杀,斯雅那号沉没于东博寮海峡一带。同日,当时英国首相邱吉尔曾致电报到香港,鼓励守军抵抗到底,其电文谓:“汝能抵抗敌军一日,对于全球之盟军,仍能有所贡献。”

此时,维多利亚城内煤气、电力中断,卫生环境日差,传染病横行,日空军不时轰炸,不少市民死亡。市区228联队日军于炮台山打败北角发电厂内休斯兵团及拉吉普营后,推进至礼顿山据点时遇到强烈阻碍。日军于12月21日围攻浅水湾及赤柱地区,米德萨斯营B连及加军来福枪队B连在浅水湾酒店一带英勇反抗。12月22日至12月24日,日军在山区相继攻破由西旅的苏格兰营及加军榴弹兵联防的金马伦峡、马己仙峡等防线,市区礼顿山据点失守,剩余守军两营印军、米德萨斯营Z连及炮兵海军等转步兵以湾仔卢押道及船街为最后防线,东旅加军来福枪队曾一度抗命,同时防线退守至赤柱村以南,海军船坞及城区被日军炮轰而引发大火。

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(1941年12月25日傍晚,香港守军司令莫德庇少将在电力中断的半岛酒店与日军谈判投降事宜)

12月25日,港督杨慕琦发表圣诞文告,鼓励士兵奋战。当日下午3时,莫德庇少将(Major Gen.C. M. Maltby)向港督报告守军无法组织有效的抵抗。港督杨慕琦在撤走部军政人员后在下午5时至日军司令部称降,下午7时签署降书。东旅在赤柱一度不相信投降令,继续有效反抗229联队,并以赤柱炮台9.2英吋大炮阻止日军推进,结果在12月26日确认投降令。

日军将领、港督及守军总司令莫德庇在九龙半岛酒店烛光下签降书,持续18日的保卫战结束,但集中于新界的东江纵队开始活跃,对日治政府做成压力。

战事结束

battle_of_hk_06.jpg
(日军于1941年12月26日在港岛北岸进行入城步操,陆军司令酒井隆(左二)在海军司令新见政一(左一)陪同下,向在轩尼诗道列队的日军敬礼)

1941年12月25日,在港督杨慕琦带领之下,一众英国殖民地官员渡海亲身前往被日军占据的半岛酒店的三楼三三六室的日军总司令部投降[1]。酒井隆随即暂代香港总督职务,直到矶谷廉介接任为止。此日由于亦为圣诞节,因而香港市民称为“黑色圣诞”,自此香港人口中的“三年零八个月”香港日治时期从此展开。

到1942年2月20日,日军中将矶谷廉介成为了首任日治时期总督,香港正式沦为日本占领区。

在英军主力部队选择投降的同时,约15名英国高级军官及30多名其他官兵与英国情报官员选择跟随当时中国驻港的最高代表——中国海军中将陈策乘快艇从香港突围。最后成功经广东惠州、重庆、缅甸抵达印度。陈策亦因此获得英皇授予英帝国爵级司令勋章。

香港沦陷原因

二次大战英国在远东的防卫重心是印度,前线的重点则是新加坡。香港作为孤悬在南中国的城市,在日本的包围之下不单缺乏长期防守所需的纵深,亦没有战略上的实质作用。对兵力紧绌的英国来说,由于要顾及欧洲战场,防守香港已是鞭长莫及。香港的陷落早在英国的预计之中。事实上,战争开始前曾经有人提议宣布香港为不设防城市,以减少无谓的损失。1941年1月当英国远东总司令要求向香港增援两个加拿大营时,邱吉尔亦一度认为是无意义的牺牲而反对。

加拿大援军

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(赤柱拘留营里的战俘)

1941年11月,加拿大军方从温哥华为香港派驻两营援兵,共1,975人。他们大多未完成训练,且未装备重武器。最终有557人战死,余者成为日军的战俘。

加拿大援兵包括:温尼伯榴弹兵部队,加拿大皇家来福枪团。

当时香港的防御战略要塞包括:黄泥涌峡包括西旅总部、第3义勇军总部、第5防空炮台;鲤鱼门及西湾包括第4及5义勇炮兵、加军来福枪C连、印军拉吉普A连;摩星岭要塞包括第24及26海岸巡防队9.2吋大炮、第5义勇军;礼顿山阵地包括米德萨斯营Z连、印军拉吉普B连;赤柱炮台包括东旅总部、第36及30海岸巡防队9.2吋大炮、第2义勇军、第1义勇炮兵。

战俘被关押在以下地方:深水埗军营(后来改为越南船民营,位于今日深水埗西九龙中心和附近的居屋屋苑),柴湾小西湾,横滨军营,福冈军营,大阪军营。

部份守军的下场

1942年9月25日,日军将1,816名囚禁于深水埗集中营的战俘押往日本武装客货轮里斯本丸上欲将战俘运往日本,航行途中里斯本丸于中国浙江舟山对开海面被美军潜艇鱼雷击中其后沉没,沉没后发生中国人民拯救遇难者事件。1945年8月日本投降后,香港重新由英国管治,被囚的加拿大士兵也获得释放。生还的加拿大援港士兵其后成立了香港退伍军人会。其中包括罗逊准将的280名阵亡加军葬于柴湾西湾国殇纪念坟场。

其他抗日力量

虽然当时的港英政府及其下的主力部队悉数投降,可是在新界的地区一些军、民仍不断进行零星的游击战,继续与日军维持抗争关系。

港九大队:东江纵队港九大队,又称广东人民抗日游击队港九大队,简称港九大队,1940年9月建立,于1942年2月正式成立,是一队由香港新界原居民子弟在中国共产党属下广东人民抗日游击队东江纵队(原广东人民抗日游击队)领导下组成的游击队,成员包括农民、学生和海员,主要于新界西贡一带活动,以加强在东江及珠江三角洲一带的反日力量。

英军服务团(British Army Aid Group):由原香港大学教授赖廉士上校(Lindsay T. Ride)组建,负责收集日军情报、接送重要人物潜出或进入香港。成员包括战后新界理民官何礼文及战前担任华民政务司的麦道轲等。1942年7月,英军根据赖廉士上校的建议组成这个援助小组。1941年12月底,所有英国人被送入了香港的战俘营时,赖廉士上校成功逃脱并到达重庆。其后,他将英军服务团的总部设于曲江,并视惠州为华南的前线基地。他们的贡献主要从战俘营中协助战俘逃脱,并走私药物和其他必需品进出战俘营,亦组织了智囊团。过程中,英军服务团获得东江纵队(港九大队)积极合作和保护。

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(渣甸山的机枪座遗迹)

盟军轰炸

日治期间,英国政府允许盟军轰炸香港,因此一直有盟军战机空袭香港的日军据点,但间中误中民居,造成伤亡。其中最严重一次是误中红磡一所正在上课的小学,几乎所有师生死亡。湾仔区的民居也经常被误炸炸中。然而根据香港作家小思在《香港的忧郁》一书的印象,香港市民一般都不反对盟军轰炸。

影响

香港保卫战的结束,对各阵营均有影响:

香港:沦陷使香港暂时脱离了英国的殖民地管治,展开了3年零8个月的香港日治时期。

英国:香港的陷落早在英国预料之内,然而由于陷落的迅速,使英国方面重新评估其在东南亚的防卫策略。然而,其后英属马来亚、新加坡等地亦相继迅速陷落。

日本:开战之时日军预计需要半年时间才能攻陷香港,但战事于不足一个月内结束,对日军而言是意料之外,因此某种程度上这次胜利振奋了他们的士气,并加快其攻占东南亚的进度。

中华民国:香港被日本控制后,使中国大陆少了一个资源补给的中转站,对抗战构成一定负面影响。

已保护:20091130/哈珀访华记者会文字实录

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20091130/哈珀总理访华行程确定

(星星生活记者捷克佳报导)加拿大总理哈珀将于12月2日至12月6日对中国进行上任以来的首次访华。哈珀将先后访问北京、上海及香港三地,期间将与中国政要及商界人士会面。

在11月30日举行的新闻简报会上,总理办公室官员Dimitri Soudas说,此次中国和韩国之旅是哈珀总理一个月内继亚太峰会暨印度之行、英联邦首脑会后的第三次重要外访活动。12月2日至6日,哈珀总理将访问北京、上海和香港三座城市。之后自香港飞抵首尔,于12月6日和7日对韩国进行访问。

负责官员表示,哈珀总理将乘专机于北京时间星期三(2日)下午4时抵达北京。周四(3日)上午,哈珀将率员前往长城参观,当日下午,中国国家主席胡锦涛和中国总理温家宝将在人民大会堂分别与哈珀总理会面,并举行欢迎仪式。当晚,温家宝总理将宴请哈珀总理。周五(4日),哈珀总理将前往故宫和位于北京的加拿大国际学校,下午将于中国全国人大常委会委员长吴邦国会面。

4日下午,哈珀总理将前往上海访问。当晚,哈珀总理将参加由加中贸易理事会主办的欢迎晚宴。周六(5日)上午参观上海世博加拿大馆的工程进度,中午与上海市市长韩正会面,之后乘专机前往香港。周日(6日)将与香港特别行政区行政长官曾荫权会谈,然后前往1941年香港保卫战期间加拿大阵亡将士墓地凭吊。当日下午5时将结束对中国的访问,前往韩国首都首尔。

总理办公室官员表示,哈珀总理此次访华意义重大,明年将是中加建交40周年,这是中加高层领域的一次深入交流活动。他说,加拿大有超过100万的华人,还有4.2万中国留学生,中加双方在经贸、金融、科技、教育等诸多领域的合作和交流有巨大的潜力。加拿大在中国设立的6个办事处和不久前4位部长的访华,对于改善两国关系具有重要意义。

在回答是否会涉及人权的问题,总理办公室官员表示,加拿大对中国的政策是一致的,人权议题只是其中的一个部分。他说,两国关系是建立在不同的轨道上并进,中加双方彼此坦率、彼此尊重。

20091130/哈珀访华等级居次,是“正式访问”非“国事访问”

明报/加拿大总理哈珀(Stephen Harper)访华,接待规格被定为正式访问(Official Visit,也称官式访问)。虽然并不是最高等级的国事访问(State Visit),但专家指出,这只是君主立宪的加拿大的国家体制不同,并非中国有意怠慢。

中国外交部发言人秦刚日前称加拿大总理哈珀的访问等级定位“正式访问”,与“国事访问”差一个等级。

美国总统奥巴马身兼国家元首及政府首脑两个身分,故此他的对华访问,被定性为“国事访问”,发出邀请的人是中国国家主席胡锦涛。不过,哈珀的邀请人则是中国总理温家宝。

加拿大是君主立宪制,哈珀是“政府首脑”,但不是“国家元首”。加拿大的“国家元首”,名义上是英女王,而在加拿大代表英女王的,是总督庄美楷,加拿大的国事访问,原则上只有庄美楷才能够进行。

卑诗大学国际关系中心的总监森斯(Allen Sens)说他也在密切注视哈珀的访华行程,但更关心的是总理如何处理人权等敏感问题,而不是接待等级的问题。

他指出,加拿大国家体制不同,虽然总理哈珀只是政府首脑,估计中方一定会给符合总理身分的尊重,大家无需对接待等级有太多的猜想或是解读。根据外交礼仪,国事访问的仪式包括检阅仪像队、鸣放21响礼炮、举办国宴等,访问的领导人通常住进受访国的国宾馆。

1997年中国前中国国家主席江泽民访问加拿大时,是国事访问。1999年前中国总理朱鎔基,以及2003年现任中国总理温家宝对加拿大的访问则是正式访问。

2005年前加拿大总理马田(Paul Martin)对中国进行“正式访问”,而当年胡锦涛则对加拿大进行国事访问。

保守党人对中国无好感 改观需时

(渥太华29日加新社电)总理哈珀等了4年,才踏上中国之旅。在不少人的眼中,12月的访问是他政治生涯中最重要的一次外访。为什么他一直冷待中国?很多观察家不能解释。

保守党前贸易部长艾民信(David Emerson)设法解释保守党对中国的看法,指出他的很多前同僚对共产政权没好感,需要时间改变观点。

他在访问中说:“很多保守党人对中国、它的政府本质、如何对待人民、人权纪录有一些看法,政府需要时间掌握问题。

“我看保守党人现在明白,为了本国与外国打交道,不必放弃自己的基本信念。”

哈珀多次故意挑舋中国的忍耐力,他不肯出席2008年北京奥运,他公开与达赖喇嘛拥抱,激怒中方。哈珀说,加拿大人不想总理为利是图,为了铜板出卖人权,中国国家主席胡锦涛就在2006年的国际论坛给他冷脸。

虽然保守党已改变口风,不再高调挑舋中国,但这些包袱不会在一夜间消失。

保守党今年苦心经营,为哈珀北京之行铺路,4个部长访问中国,强调伙伴关系,既往不咎。但自由党外交事务评议员李博(Bob Rae)说,加拿大人期望哈珀在中国谈人权。

加方要谈中国人民的待遇,谈何容易,近日加拿大也受指摘,有人说它知道移交阿富汗囚犯,就会有虐囚问题,但它没有理会。

前副外交部长、现任加中贸易理事会(Canada China Business Council)主席海德(Peter Harder)说,虽然人权问题重要,但哈珀不能看轻此行的大奖。他指出,加拿大总理和部长都能用专业的手法,提出人权和政治发展问题,既不伤害感情,又能开拓商机。

中国经济几乎不受经济衰退影响,继续购买各国的公司、原料和制成品。观察家预测,到本世纪中叶,中国会是全球最大的经济体系。问题是:加拿大会不会受益?

艾民信相信,由于美国经济衰退、保护主义日潮高涨,中国对加拿大更重要,渥京要有别的选择。

20091130/士嘉堡国际美食街停车场血案

星岛日报/士嘉堡华人商场国际美食街停车场昨日凌晨3时左右发生血案,20余名华洋青年爆发群殴,互打互斩,3人被斩伤。受伤的3人有传是华裔,但警方拒绝证实,只表示目前正在调查本案,暂时亦未发出有关疑犯的资料。

打斗事件发生在士嘉堡米兰大道(Midland Ave) 夹士刁士大道东(Steeles Ave. East) 西南角的Silver Star Blvd 633号国际美食街商场,一间台式珍珠奶茶店与一间钢琴酒吧之间对开的停车场内。据目击事件的一间新派湘菜馆负责人刘先生表示,事发于周日凌晨3时左右,当时菜馆生意十分好,他在厨房附近工作,并不知道外面有事发生。坐在菜馆连接左角落地大玻璃窗的一枱客人通知他,停车场发生事故。于是他走近窗口观看,见到在商场的停车场上有20多人在追逐打斗,期间有多人倒地。当时停车场上有8至9辆汽车停泊。

刘先生称,他第一时间将菜馆大门锁上,以免有打斗的人跑进店内。亦叫其客人不要出外观看,以免殃及池鱼。事件发生几分钟后,参与打斗的人乘车四散而逃,他见到该群青年大部分是华人,但亦见到有黑人驾车离开,而警车于20分钟后才到现场,当时停车场上已经只有在其菜馆进食客人的汽车,再没有任何其他车辆停泊。

警截停车发现受伤男子

据警方向传媒透露表示,国际美食街停车场于凌晨发生3人被斩伤案件,一名伤者驾车离开时,因其他事故被警察截停。警员发现他的汽车有血迹及手臂流血,于是将他送住医院接受治疗。与此同时,有两名身上有刀伤的男子自行前往就近的士嘉堡慈恩医院急诊室求医。他们一个人腹部被斩伤,而另一名则头部及背部受伤。3名受伤的男子幸而均没有性命危险。

除停车场内有大量血迹之外,附近的钢琴酒吧至一间泰越特式店门前行人路亦血迹斑斑。警方直至昨午1时仍然将现场封闭,并有科学鉴证科警员到场搜集证据,包括拍摄现场血迹位置,及采取血迹样本和捡拾现场一些烟蒂。

据该间泰越特式店李姓东主表示,餐厅每晚11时就停止营业,伤人事件与他的餐厅完全没有关连。他店内员工作晨上班时始知商场外发生血案,他接获员工通知后,立刻回来了解情况。他指出,商场内有些店营业很晚,顾客多数是年青人,时有事故发生。这些年青人经常将行人道弄得很秽,例如有人呕吐或乱放玻璃瓶。餐厅在周日生意较好,昨晨因警方封锁现场而未能营业,损失不少。

商场半夜群殴5华裔溅血,伤者手臂猛流血驾车被警截

明报/多市士嘉堡一个华人商场昨日凌晨发生一群华裔男子挥刀群殴流血事件,在刀光剑影下,有5名男子受伤送院。警方目前正在调查引起争执及殴斗原因,以及追捕其他涉案凶徒。

该宗群殴血案发生于昨日午夜过后的凌晨时分,在米兰路(Midland Ave.)夹士刁大道(Steeles Ave.)交界以西、位于银星大道(Silver Star Blvd.)的一个华人商场,一间周六营业至凌晨3时的珍珠奶茶店外面。

多伦多警方42分局的戈德史密斯探长(Det. Goldsmith)昨晚向本报表示,警方相信事件因为有人发生争执而起,涉及群殴者曾到该商场的珍珠奶茶店,而在该商场亦有一间钢琴吧,警方仍在调查他们是在珍珠奶茶店抑或是钢琴吧发生争执。

发生争执后,他们离开到门外的停车场上发生打斗。

戈德史密斯探长说参加打斗者全部是华人,总共有5人受伤入院,其中一名伤者自行驾车离开,不久后因其他原因被一名便衣警员截停,警员发现他手臂受伤,大量流血,逐把他送院治疗,还幸其伤势并无生命危险。

另外有2名伤者也在1小时后自行到附近的士嘉堡慈恩医院求医。其中一人背部被剌伤,另一人则腹部受伤。他们伤况也没有生命危险。

现时5人中3人已经出院,另外2人至昨晚仍须留院。

警方至昨日上午仍把案发地点封锁进行调查,到下午近1时才解封。但现场在解封后,地上多处仍留下大量血□。

不少商户早上回来开店时,才发现店外有多辆警车在场,并围起了黄线,故未能如常开门营业。商户除了要连忙清洗店外的血□外,并抱怨损失周日上午的繁忙生意,影响很大。

有该商场的餐馆店员表示目击今次打斗过程,指当时人数约有20人,停车场只剩余8至9辆车,其间有人倒在地上,之后他们很快便四散离开。

不过,戈德史密斯探长说当时停车场上的确有20多人,但是并非全部都参与打斗,现时所知,参加打斗者至少5人。

有附近的商户表示,在这里开业逾8年以来,从无发生过任何罪案,相信今次只是个别事件,是光顾该商场夜店的年轻人打架闹事,所以并不担心治安变坏问题。

20091130/开公司车禁打手机 违者会被解雇

(爱蒙顿29日加新社电)一些省份容许司机在开车时使用免提式手机,愈来愈多的雇主嫌省法规过宽,他们执行更严厉的措施,完全禁止员工在驾驶公司汽车时使用免提式手机,违者可被解雇。

例如钢铁工业产品(Steels Industrial Products)的雇员驾驶公司汽车,如果资方发现他们使用任何形式的手机或短讯设备,可以解雇他们。

钢铁工业的主席西德韦尔(Jim Sidwell)数周前定下这规则,卑诗省和阿尔伯达省180个员工都要遵守。

西德韦尔在温哥华说:“有足够证据证明,驾车安全和使用手机有直接关系。只能执行这个政策,没有其他方法,这是正确的做法。”

司机打手机 撞车意外机会高6倍

研究显示,司机打手机,涉及危险撞车意外的机会高6倍。根据加拿大保险局数字,人们在开车时发短讯,发生车祸的机会高23倍。打手机或发短讯的人,没有在停字牌前停车的机会高10倍。

加拿大一些大型公司,例如芬宁加拿大(Finning Canada)、赫斯基能源(Husky Energy)、哈利怕顿(Halliburton)和康纳科菲利普(ConocoPhilipps),以及小规模公司,比方霍尔氏温室(Holes’ Greenhouses),也有实施同类措施,禁止员工在行车时打手机。

阿省没有手机禁令,但公营机构,好像阿尔伯达大学、北阿尔伯达科技所,及阿尔伯达健康服局分部,都有实施禁用无线设备的开车规例。

他们认为行车安全十分重要,所以加入爱蒙顿组织无手机开车联盟(Coalition for Cell-Free Driving),成员包括美国的国家安全局。

这个联盟由阿尔伯达大学的毕业生发起,由医生弗朗西斯卡蒂医生(Louis Francescutti)领导。他是医学院教授,也是急症室医生。

游说司机不在驾车时打手机,并不容易,因为各省政府有不同的措施。

沙斯卡寸旺省上周通过法规,禁用手机打电话和发短讯,但经验丰富的司机可用免提式装置,新司机不能用任何种类手机或短讯设备。

安省禁止所有司机使用手提式电子设备,发短讯、电邮或打电话,但可用免提式装置;纽芬兰──拉布拉多省、斯高沙省、魁北克省和爱德华王子岛也有类似法例。

弗朗西斯卡蒂说,如果各省政府禁用所有手机,可以拯救性命、降低医疗和保险成本。

20091130/海外资历审批加快,14行业专业资格1年内获审核

(多伦多29日加新社电)联邦保守党计划缩短外国受训资历审批时间,分两个阶段落实措施,为14个行业审核移民的专业资格。

加新社获悉,政府周一在多伦多召开记者会,宣布落实政策,为14个领域的专业牌照申请人审核外国受训资历。申请人会在1年内知道,自己的资历是否符合加拿大标准。

到2010年底,8个专业的资历认证新措施到位,外国受训专业人员可在1年内完成资历审批工作,包括建筑师、工程师、药剂师、物理治疗师、职业治疗师、注册护士、医疗化验室科技师、财务审计师和会计师。到2012年12月底,另外6个专业的资历认证工作也会在1年内完成,包括教师、牙医、医生、工程技术员、持牌实务护士和医疗放射技师。

联邦政府指出,泛加拿大评估及认可外国资历框架(Pan-Canadian Framework for the Assessment and Recognition of Foreign Qualifications)相关措施能吸引国际人才来加,让移民发掘潜能。新框架也承诺,联邦、省和地区政府合作改善服务,照顾移民来加前和找得工作后的需要。

各级政府会与规管团体、学院、大学和其他关键伙伴合作,落实相关措施。

□象显示,移民的专长没有发挥机会。加拿大统计局本月较早时说,比较外国出生和加拿大土生土长的人,更多移民的资历超出工作所需。研究指出,25岁到54岁的就业移民,42%的教育水平超出工作所需,加拿大土生雇员的比率只有28%。

在这个年龄组别中,移民工人的平均时薪比加拿大土生工人的低2.28元。

韩裔加拿大女子协会(Korean Canadian Women’s Association)朴姓主席(Sang-Hee Park,音译)说,政府的建议很积极,但想知道渥京如何计划与团体合作,在某些专业认证和签发牌照,比如建筑师或工程师。

20091129/世界上房价最贵的十个城市

生活日报/第一位:摩纳哥蒙特卡洛(房屋每平方米平均价:47578美元)

蒙特卡洛的居民可以享受到蓝色海岸的沙滩、迷人的夜生活以及避税天堂的好处,但他们也得为此付出代价。这个度假胜地连续第二年蝉联全球房价最高市场榜单桂冠。

发布这项报告的在线房地产调查公司的发行人表示:“蒙特卡洛是一个富有、狭小而集中的城市。这里房价如此之高主要与面积短缺和避税天堂有关。”

第二位:莫斯科(房屋每平方米平均价:20853美元)

第三位:伦敦(房屋每平方米平均价:20756美元)

第四位:东京(房屋每平方米平均价:17998美元)

第五位:香港(房屋每平方米平均价:16125美元)

第六位:纽约(房屋每平方米平均价:14898美元)

第七位:巴黎(房屋每平方米平均价:12122美元)

第八位:新加坡(房屋每平方米平均价:9701美元)

第九位:罗马(房屋每平方米平均价:9166美元)

第十位:孟买(房屋每平方米平均价:9163美元)

20091129/中国学生拯救西方留学产业 养肥大量骗子学校

环球时报/在西方还在“打寒颤”的经济冬天,“中国留学生浩荡而来”,令他们感到了久违的暖意。在自诩拥有“黄金教育标准”的西方国家,尤其是那些拥有“世界级语言”的英语国家,留学一直被当做利润可观的产业来经营,每年创造的价值以百亿美元计。而多年保持世界最大留学生出口国的中国,被众多西方大学校长看作取之不尽的学生和资金矿藏,尤其是在金融危机令其财政窘困的今天。一位中国专家说:“说中国能拯救世界经济还为时尚早,但要说中国学生拯救了西方的留学产业,真的不算夸张。”但遗憾的是,中国学生也同时救了一些泥沙俱下中颇不规范的学校,留学生上当受骗的,有时竟像农民工在国外受骗的情况一样严重。

“中国留学生浩荡而来”

“由于来自中国的留学生数量激增,去年美国大学登记注册的留学生数量达到了创纪录高点。”法新社16日题为“中国点燃美国留学生热潮”的报道,让美国这个长年占据世界最大留学生进口国的大国,小小兴奋了一把。该信息来自美国“国际教育协会”的年度报告。报告称,中国是美国接收留学生数量增长的主要“驱动因素”,前往美国的中国学生比去年增长了21%,达9.8万人,但印度仍然是赴美留学生最多的国家(10.3万人),中国紧随其后。

“国际教育协会”会长古德曼对《纽约时报》说,在美国经济陷入衰退时,大量海外学生的拥入对美国经济贡献良多,“因金融危机影响,美国各大学经费捉襟见肘,正面临着空前的预算危机。”《纽约时报》称,留学生每年总共在美国消费近180亿美元。密歇根《马斯基根纪事报》20日称,这个学年度,留学生共在密歇根消费了近6亿美元,这笔资金“大得令人无法忽视”,在密歇根,中国学生所占比例最高,为18%。《基督教科学箴言报》说,与以往大部分赴美的中国留学生是硕士生不同,现在越来越多的是本科生,“富裕的中国家庭为独生子女支付国际黄金标准的教育水平”不惜钱财。据了解,现在赴美留学读本科,平均一年花费约为27万元。

“吸引中国留学生,实在是一本万利的生意。”高校教育传统悠久的英国也有这样的感叹。《卫报》称,中国留学生已成为支撑英国大学财务支出的最重要来源,他们中的不少人每年学费高达2万多英镑(约合20多万元人民币),而一个来自英国或欧盟地区的本科生每年只会给大学带来 7000英镑的收入,这还包括英国政府的补贴。英国国际学生事务委员会说,留学生每年为英国经济贡献40亿英镑,如果没有他们,英国大学可能会关闭更多院系,基础设施会更破旧,图书馆也会面临投资不足。在东部城市卢顿,一个房产中介公司还告诉记者,公司4年前积压的破旧房子,因最近几年当地大量招收中国学生而变得炙手可热。

澳大利亚是除了美英外,中国学生的第三大留学目的地国。在澳的15万中国留学生也是该国留学生中最大的群体。在留学产业每年带给该国的150亿澳元收入中,有22%是中国学生贡献的。路透社称,留学产业是澳大利亚仅次于石油和煤炭的出口创收产业。同在澳洲的新西兰,留学产业也位列该国五大出口行业之一,新西兰留学官网一位发言人直言,从某种程度上说,“教育与奶制品市场很相似”。

近几年,中国一直是世界最大的留学生输出国,占全世界的15.2%。当这些留学产业化的西方国家瞄准中国这块“肥肉”时,西方政府也积极配合。素以签证条件苛刻著称的美国,2007年开始放松对华留学生签证审批;加拿大近年来收紧大陆赴加技术移民条件,却对留学生移民网开一面;澳大利亚甚至一度规定,留学生一入学,就可自动获得永久居住权。

“世界级语言”的巨大吸引力

对于中国留学生来说,英语为母语的国家最受青睐。英国文化委员会曾自豪地宣称,作为“世界级”语言,“英语的胜利”给一些国家带来巨大的经济利益。

在英国这个留学费用最高的西方国家,多数中国学生年消费近30万元人民币。即使这样,中国依然是对英国最大的留学生输出国。在接受记者采访时,多数中国留学生都承认,来这里就是为了能在一个完全的英语环境和严谨的教学环境下学习。不过,在利物浦的小章抱怨说,一些老师在授课时的英语语速和口音让自己很难适应,很多教学内容都是一知半解,课后他向老师提问时,又常被敷衍了事。在伦敦的小程说,自己曾多次申请参加实践项目活动,但常被以申请满员或担心与其他欧盟学生有交流障碍而遭拒绝。

英国著名公学哈罗公学校长巴纳比-勒诺说,很多学校都要依赖海外学生来填满1/3的空位,那里学生的英语学习进展缓慢,“海外生源正支撑着一些无法提供良好教育的学校”。一些英国高校为吸引中国学生,降低了入学要求。但一些不太合格的中国学生到校后才发觉,要达到学业要求十分吃力,甚至最后只能雇请别人帮忙来完成论文写作。在伦敦,当地华文报纸上常有为中国留学生提供论文写作或文凭服务的分类广告。

与20多年前多是公派留学不同,如今越来越多的中国学生是自费留学,据统计,这个比例已高达九成。而很多人的出国动机也不再是简单的求学、见世面了。《悉尼先驱晨报》21日称:“中国人越来越希望他们的孩子能接受西方教育,这是他们看重澳大利亚的原因之一”。但事实上,很多中国留学生选择来澳就读职业教育课程,目的只有一个–移民。澳国家统计局的报告称,许多中国人和印度人都把赴澳洲留学当作获取居留资格的捷径。在莫瑞迪安教育集团不久前倒闭之后,还有两周就要毕业的中国留学生杨帆还在等待转学复课的通知。本科毕业的他原本可以选择来澳读硕士,但他却选择了厨师课程,就因为 “这样可以迅速简单地移民澳洲”。

中国富裕家庭的孩子拥向美国,也改变了老留学生在当地人心目中的印象。美国加州帕萨迪纳城市学院的布告栏上,满满四十多张租房小广告中有1/3是用中文书写的,显而易见,中国学生是最多的留学生。负责国际招生的严红女士证实了这一点。但她同时担忧地表示,近年来中国学生越来越有钱,个个穿名牌、开好车,学习也不太上心。她想告诫中国家长,美国的大学可没有辅导员,一切全凭自己。在去年招收中国留学生最多的美国大学–南加州大学,读一年要花费5.5万美元左右。当地的笑话说,在南加州,“有钱没才”的上南加大,“没钱有才”的上加州大学洛杉矶分校。

“克莱登大学”层出不穷

钱钟书的小说《围城》中,男主人公方鸿渐曾从一个爱尔兰骗子手中买了张根本不存在的美国“克莱登大学”的假文凭。而在现实中的英国,也有个骗人的“爱尔兰国际大学”。到去年初该“大学”被查封前,它已收录了数千学生。一位曾申请该校的留学生说,这里每年学费4500英镑,远低于一般英国大学,可他到了后才发现学校只是东伦敦区的一栋办公楼,只有一些学生。他曾尝试与“大学”联络,但电话无人接听。这个冒牌大学还骗过牛津校方,在该校神学院举行了一次学位颁授仪式,颇具欺骗性。

英国市场上还出现过诸如“University of Leads”和“University of New Castle”这样的大学,而真正的英国大学应该是“University of Leeds”和“Newcastle University”,差别只在细微的拼写之中。这些学校往往声明学费低廉,毕业率高,让不少没有察觉的学生上当。从今年开始,英国为了堵住类似漏洞要求所有从海外招生的院校都必须得到认可,移民官在机场口岸也加强了检查,至9月已有1100位华人进关时被拒绝入境,其中不少是录取学校遭吊销许可的留学生。

在其他几个中国留学生目的地国,同样不乏“克莱登大学”。一位澳大利亚不愿透露姓名的老师表示,从事海外留学生教育的利润回报很高,是普通教育项目的几倍。这位老师说,几乎所有的私立教育机构在中国都有“代理人”,也就是人们熟知的留学中介。中介每介绍一个学生,就能得到学校给的回扣;越是教育质量不好的学校,给中介的回扣就越多,中介也就把学校吹得越是天花乱坠。更有甚者,一些澳洲人根本没有听说过的私立学校,也打着澳大利亚大学的招牌,堂而皇之地到中国办学。

当记者与洛杉矶华人聊起澳大利亚的“骗子学校”时,他们激动地说:“洛杉矶的骗子不比那里少!”在阿凯迪亚有家开了十几年的艺术学校,老板最近刚卷款逃跑,该校号称教授语言和电脑设计,“包找工作”,其实最后只发一张结业证书,学历根本不被政府承认;还有一家语言学校甚至请总领馆官员去参观,结果没多久就倒闭了;有家“护士学校”还开到了中国,承诺学生可以考下护士证书到美国就业,学生付钱学习后却发现完全不是这么回事。

西方不要培养“受毒害的校友”

澳大利亚著名智库洛伊国际政策研究所不久前发出警告,尽管违规的私立学校属于极少数,但足以影响整个教育产业,“这些学校培养的学生,肯定会对澳大利亚留下不好的印象,因而是‘受毒害的校友’”,会对澳政治和外交产生深远的负面影响。英国伯明翰大学校长迈克尔-斯特林说,“在留学潮的早期,中国学生认为所有大学都有着相同的声望和质量,但现在他们意识到,英国大学事实上差异很大,”如果不好的状况持续下去,“中国泡沫终将破裂”,对于那些并不享有卓越声誉的大学而言更是如此。刚跻身美国十大建筑学院的南加大建筑学院院长马清运说,西方教育机构应该明白,大学教育培养的是“有知识的社会精英”,这是其社会责任所在。比如像他所在的学院,就为优秀的中国留学生提供全额奖学金以及在欧美的工作和学习机会,而不要只盯着中国人的钱袋子。

中国社会科学院美国研究所研究员姬红认为,中国多年保持最大留学生出口国,体现出中国整体实力的增强。对于那些深陷经济危机的西方教育机构来说,中国留学生真的是挽救了它们,同时,这些人才也为西方的经济、创新发展提供了源源不断的支持。中国驻洛杉矶教育参赞陈准民也对本报记者说,中国学生到国外学习,是中国加速融入国际社会的必然过程,不能因为发生部分学校倒闭就否定留学的大趋势。北京大学教授张颐武说,出国留学当然是好事情,但中国人总是认为“外来的和尚会念经”,对自身语言文化却不自信,这值得反思。不过,一些背离了育人初衷的西方教育机构,从此在中国人心目中将不再“高高在上”。

20091129/黄牛经纪与多伦多烟花巷

楚人南音:排队买楼花 不是好办法

加国无忧楚人南音博客/多伦多的地产够火爆。这些天碰到的地产经纪,每个人都笑逐颜开,大眼笑小了,小眼笑没了。

火到什么程度?排队买Condo,竟然出现3支队伍,南边一支,北边一只,里边还有一只,用英文说就是,South side,North side,外加一个Inside,每一只都宣称自己才是正宗的,最后闹到火拼,又是举牌抗议,又是召开新闻发布会,着实轰动了一番。

这边闹得不亦乐乎,开发商那边也在弹冠相庆:宣传的目的达到了!

为什么会有三个队?

萧焕立是环球地产集团资深副总裁,平生第一次排队买楼,就碰到了这档子热闹事。据他描 述,事情的经过是这样的:位于Bloor/Jarvis的X2 Condo预定11月25日开盘发售,11月15日,发售点Inter-Continental Hotel的门口就有华人经纪排起了队。23日下午,酒店叫来了警察,称门口的队伍影响了酒店营业,让他们移师到马路对面去。于是本来在北边酒店门口的这只队伍,被警察请到了南边。

24号,开盘前一天,本来一天2次点名变成了4次,上午10:30,下午3点,傍晚7点,夜里10点。7点钟点名之后,销售代理Baker Real Estate公司的Tina代表“组织”来看望大家,对这支队伍的“合法性”予以承认,并承诺,25日凌晨6点,将派3名“联络员”来领人,这3人名Scott,Ken和Joseph,请大家记住了,不要跟错了人,被人带到别处去傻等。队伍分成3组,每组20人,每一个联络员带一组去领号,然后晚上6点,大家带客人来签单。队伍这边,由排在第一位的大鹏地产经纪尚建亮总负责,这位尚先生,就是英文媒体提到的Sunny Shang。

吃了这颗“定心丸”,大家的警惕性就放松了,晚上10点的点名取消,改为25号凌晨4点点名。除了几位值日的哨兵,大部分人都散了。

南边的队伍刚散,24日晚11点左右,北边的酒店门口出现了另一支队伍,这支队伍十几个人,以中东裔为主。值日哨兵一发现“敌情”,马上发出紧急通知,已经离开的人,还在路上的,掉转车头就往回开;已经睡下的,推开老婆就往回跑;12点左右,重新集合完毕。

不过,新换班的警察只承认酒店门口的这支“临时”队伍,反而宣布南边的这支“长期驻扎”的大部队为“非法”。更要命的事,开发商Great Golf Homes的女代表Beth也和警察“一个鼻孔出气”,只认酒店门口的这支队伍。

形势急转直下,25号凌晨6点,销售代理Baker Real Estate公司的3名“联络员”如约来领人,结果开发商说不行,要以酒店门口的队伍为准。

谁能不急?排了十多天的队,被人一句话,全白费了。鼓噪,抗议,招记者。开发商开会研究,出来的结果还是:承认门口那支后来居上的队伍。

我们再来说说这第三支队伍,其实这只是一支5人小分队,清一色华人,分队长是百福地产的经纪王兵,他们于11月22日起在Inter-Continental Hotel里面又起了一队。

值得一提的是,华人经纪在这次抗争中表现的空前团结。当警方和开发商认定后来的那支队伍为“正宗”,并要其它2支队伍接在他们后面排队时,60来人的大部队没有一个人“变节”,集体抵制;连酒店里的那支小分队,也拒绝入伙。他们一边派出代表和开发商理论,一边找律师,并召集各路媒体举行新闻发布会。

抗争的结果还是不错的,据萧焕立26日下午5点的最新消息,开发商和销售代理已经给所有南队花名册上的经纪打了电话,请他们将购楼申请表(Worksheet)填好寄到售楼处。萧焕立称,估计下周一就能签单。记者也给王兵去了电话,王兵称,他刚给Baker公司打了电话,对方也承诺解决,并给了他一个销售代表的名字,让他去找这位代表,联系购楼事宜。

皆大欢喜!

有比排队更好的办法

有排队经纪称,这次出现问题的根本原因,在于售楼处没有Sales Office,而借用酒店,如果有售楼中心,就不会出现这么多“各自为战”的队伍。不过,笔者并不认为这是问题的根本原因,根本原因在于这股“排队风”,如果任由这股风刮下去,迟早会有这样那样的问题被吹出来。

排队风是近几年才兴起的,一些开发商为了制造轰动效应,故意引诱或纵容经纪排队,排长队,长时间排队,以造成“洛阳纸贵”的假象,从而达到宣传的效果。大鹏地产总裁马保现称,排队不是最终解决问题的办法,甚至不是一种好办法。他们公司就不鼓励排队的方式,大部分的单子还是通过和开发商长期合作,建立互信而得到的。开发商应该建立完整的数据库,哪个公司和个人的Cancel Rate低,信誉好,就长期合作,否则就被淘汰。这样既避免了排队,又杜绝了楼花交易中的一些暗箱操作,如转卖楼花等。但是,既然目前一些开发商愿意采取排队的方式,排队就成了一种不得已而为之的无奈之举,你有客户要房,不去排队就拿不到房,所以只好去排队。这次他们公司有排队经纪都冻的感冒发烧,实在是无可奈何,明知不该为而不得不为之。

安省华人地产协会创会副会长、致富地产总裁吴树声也强调,排队是开发商走光搏出位的举动,不是卖房子的好方法,会带来很多负面效果。首先就社会而言,排队影响交通、市容,容易造成市场的虚假繁荣;其次对开发商而言,树立的也是负面形象,最起码不高尚;对经纪而言,在冰天雪地或烈日爆晒下排队,有损健康;好不容易排到号,在没有充足时间考虑的情况下,仓促选几套,过后客户不满意,认为没有挑到理想的房子,十天的Cooling期限内,很多人又退房,弄得鸡飞蛋打,既没有赚到钱,又丢了信誉。

吴树声在地产界经营几十年,他称,以前没有这种现象,一般是开发商先搞个发布会,请经纪出席,由开发商对即售楼盘进行介绍。2-3天后,再搞一个发售会,出席发布会的经纪带客人去,把客人资料填在表格上,需要多少房,需要什么样的房。开发商把表格收回去,将现有房源与客户需求配对,然后才请你来签Offer。最近几天将发盘的King West第三期,采用的就是这种办法。当然,这样做也有缺点,同一时间很多人到场,没有先后,秩序比较混乱,所以也有开发商采取抽签的做法,在规定时间段内,经纪到指定地点,留下一张名片,就可以离开,最后通过抽名片方式来决定,抽到谁就是谁。以前恒基兆业在士嘉堡推出的Centro大厦,采用的就是这种方式;12月2号将要发售的River City,采取的也是这种方式。

恒生地产经纪杨洪称,排队现象不是很正常,有些排队的经纪并没有客人,拿到号以后,利用十天的Cooling期,进行转让,相当于挂一个短期的Listing,转让给有客户的经纪,赚取差价,给潜在的投资者造成有很多人购买的虚假现象。这种做法,是把地产经纪的专业程度降低到黄牛的档次,并使真正有客户的经纪拿不到房,转而向他们购买,增加中间环节,造成混乱。杨洪强调,并非所有的楼盘都允许转让,没有客户的经纪在排队前应该弄清楚该楼盘是否允许转让,否则无法出手,只能退单。另外,排队现象助长哄抬房价,开发商看到很多人排队,市场很火,有可能暗中调高价格。目前有些开发商甚至到开盘时都不公布价格,如同饭店菜单上的“时价菜”,随时准备坐地起价。

楼花销售分为四个阶段,第一阶段是内部的Presale,开发商、设计师、律师等人的关系单位和个人,捷足先登;第二阶段是VIP销售,请长期合作的重要经纪公司和个人选楼;第三阶段是对一般经纪开放,排队大多发生在这个阶段;第四阶段,是对公众,有余楼,或十天Cooling Period内退回来的盘,才对大众开放。这种游戏规则,对一般经纪和公众,难免有失公允。在现有规则下,一般经纪要拿房,排队也是没有办法的办法,无可厚非!笔者希望,开发商在赚钱之余,能够承担更多的社会责任,出台更加公平有序的售楼方式。

选自楚人南音博客:http://blog.51.ca/u-53005/?p=4640


《楚人南音博客:排队买楼花 不是好办法》的相关评论

hot tea /如果有时间去175church st ,3楼去看看,就可知道有多少人在退楼。还有几个二道贩子经纪在那里吆喝着有楼花转卖。现在已有一些买家认识到了这个楼盘可怕的地理位置,反正10天之内可以退,有的根本不想等10天,刚开始发售3天,已经出现排队退房的奇特景观,这是baker销售商没有预料到的。

问到退房户为何买了又退,他们的回答让人同情。因为没有人告诉他们这个楼盘周边的社区情况,只是夸大这个楼盘离bloor 近,价位低于其他地方。后来才了解到这个Jarvis 大街是市中心著名的“烟花巷”,政府的救济中心和廉租屋大部分都在jarvis大街上,风水上非常晦气,历史上形成的同性夫妇最喜欢的街区,这个区域和市中心高尚区的房价无法相提并论,从历史上就不升值,便宜买,便宜卖,是这个区域最大的特点。

说白了顶风冒雨在大街上排10天的队,简直可以和Jarvis大街上的几个救济站外面排队的景象很像。有些人就不知道动脑子想一想,这条街上的楼市为何便宜?现在便宜将来就会贵吗?那是不可能的。因为市中心最主要的几个食物库和救济站都位于Jarvis 路上,一周两次发放免费食物,如果你能在他们发放食物时路过Jarvis这条街 ,可能就不会想排队在这条街上购房了。

Jarvis 这条街是市中心著名的妓女和同性恋一条街,也就是中国人俗话说的“烟花巷”,这是买房的大忌,风水上最忌讳的地方,加拿大本地人最了解这些,所以当地的有钱人没有人会在这里投资。jarvis这条街和Church st紧邻,在这两条街周围就是闻名世界的多伦多“Gay village ”,据说有十几万同性人士聚居于此,实际上大部分聚居在jarvis 街上,因为church 这条街是一条商业街,而church st 以东的地区就成了同性人士则屋而居的最佳地区,房价便宜(当然也贵不上去),容易生存,逸乐方便。

Jarvis这条街是多伦多市中心妓女最集中的地段之一,(还有位于西部逸桃秕谷区的lakeshore地段,买房一定要避开这样的地区),如果夏天的晚上路过这条街,路两边有很多这样的风尘女子在摇手期盼,单身人士可能不忌讳住在这里(反而方便),可作为传统的华人家庭,有谁愿意自己的孩子每天出入在这样一个生活环境和社区???

还需要值得一提的是多伦多最著名的几个供同性人士作乐的“公共澡堂”(本地人人人皆知的bathhouse) 也在这个地区,发展商对此是最清楚的,而和发展商相互勾结的销售商baker 公司就坐落在这条街上,他们在这里上演了一处戏弄华人的“双簧”。

想在这里投资买房的人,在你开除你的血汗钱之前,一定要了解一下这个区域的区域价值和整体构造,因为你的房价是由区域决定的,开发商投资最大的是地价,地价决定房价。

那些被糊弄的经纪最好的反抗方式应该是号召大家拒买这个condo ,因为这里没有任何投资价值。

http://bbs.51.ca/thread-223236-1-1.html

20091129/哈珀总理访华将签协议

中方安排人民大会堂隆重欢迎

明报/本报掌握消息,加拿大总理哈珀访华期间,将签订一些协议或是声明,哈珀不会空手而回。此外,中方有安排了在人民大会堂为总理哈珀举行隆重欢迎仪式。

有学者分析说,哈珀访华取得成果,将有助提升加拿大的国际地位。

消息来源透露,哈珀访华的行程中,已经安排了与中国领导人在人民大会堂内会面,而两国领导人也会签署一些协议。

至于协议是仿效奥巴马访华时的做法,是一份两国的联合声明?还是其他政策性协议例如是特许旅游目的地(ADS)?目前未能确实。

消息称,无论如何,哈珀肯定不会空手而回,哈珀访华行不会只是与中国领导人合照,或在故宫、长城留影这类公关动作。

此外,当总理哈珀专机抵达北京机场时,中方会有人欢迎;但正式的欢迎仪式将在人民大会堂内隆重举行。至于是否有国宴的安排?消息未有证实或否认。

访华成功 有助加国提升国际地位

此外,一名加拿大学者表示,假若哈珀访华成功,将有助提升加拿大的国际地位,有利于加拿大在8国集团及20国集团峰会的工作。

满地可大学政治系助教授陈志明博士分析说,哈珀明年将成为8国集团(G8)的轮值主席,而8国集团峰会和20国集团(G20)峰会,将于明年7月在加拿大安省召开。

“哈珀需在此之前修复与中国的关系,以便向各国显示加拿大的重要国际角色。”他说,中国的经济在当前的经济危机中一枝独秀,在世界经济中的作用愈来愈大。如果哈珀作为两个峰会的东道主,却跟中国的领导人连话都说不上的话,那么哈珀的领导地位便有名无实,空洞无物了。

陈志明又认为,哈珀访华,也有加拿大国内的政治因素上的考虑,除平息反对党的批评外,哈珀的少数派政府已成功躲过发动大选的难关,哈珀的支持率略升;在去除这些后顾之忧后,哈珀可以抽出身来处理国际关系与外交事务。他指出,哈珀访华还可以达到一箭双雕作用,因这意味哈珀会缺席国会在本年剩下的21天会期当中的大部分日子,借此避开下议院每天国会质询时间,令反对党的攻击大打折扣。

陈志明主要研究包括中国政治与外交关系、亚洲及全球安全、国际关系理论和大战略等领域,他指出,加拿大与中国的关系本来格外亲密,这几年突然之间恶化,中国领导人一时之间难以接受。

陈志明忆述50、60年代,中国饱受西方国家围堵排挤,唯独加拿大愿意卖粮食予中国。已故总理杜鲁多也违抗美国外交政策,顶住压力,带头与中国建立接触,可是加中的独特亲密关系,却被哈珀完全颠覆。

陈志明认为哈珀访华之旅首要任务是加强政治关系,重新建立互信。他估计,哈珀在访问印度后先返加,两个星期后再专门出访中国,目的是表达“尊重”之意。“这充分表明了加方改善对华关系的诚意,也预示两国关系将朝积极的方向迈出关键性一步。”

华人社区对哈珀访华的期望很高,但他呼吁大家也要面对现实。这次只是破冰之旅,两国关系最多只是回暖,不会因为一次访问便能够完全复修。

20091128/戈尔巴乔夫献“厚礼”:中国引进苏战机始末

环球时报/50多年前,扬威朝鲜战场的苏联米格-15战机壮大了年轻的中国空军。20年前,苏-27战斗机的引进使中国空军的空中实力有了质的提升。苏-27是在什么背景下“飞进”中国的?俄罗斯“航空舰队”出版社的《苏-27家族》一书为大家揭开了那段鲜为人知的历史。

戈尔巴乔夫的“厚礼”

1989年,苏共中央总书记戈尔巴乔夫访问北京,冰封30年的中苏关系终于揭开了新的篇章。莫斯科迫切希望改善与北京的关系,戈尔巴乔夫为此送出了一份厚礼———重启中苏军事合作。

1989年9月,苏联《红星报》发表了对总参谋长沙波什尼科夫大将的专访,他表示如果中国希望获得米格-29之类的高性能飞机,“苏联政府认为不存在政治障碍”。这番谈话如一声惊雷,在国际政治界、军事界引起轩然大波,外界把他的话看作是中苏全面和解的发轫。

俄罗斯解密档案显示,1989年上半年,在苏共内部激烈讨论的诸多问题中,就包括苏联该不该与中国和解的内容。相当多的“知华派”人士认为,被阿富汗战争耗尽气血的苏联已不可能继续单独对抗美国,国际上将出现“美国单一超强”的局面。同时,美国认为它不再需要同中国结成对抗苏联的统一战线,“对华遏制”渐渐成为美国外交政策的主线。苏联政府对国际局势做出的这一判断,成为其推动中苏乃至后来中俄进行军事接触的首要动机。正如俄罗斯前外长普里马科夫所说:“现在轮到我们向美国打‘中国牌’了。”

中国代表团看中苏-27

苏-27因其性能先进,当时只装备苏联国土防空军,即便在苏联国内,也没多少人知道它的存在。正因如此,苏联在最初的谈判中,不愿出售苏-27。但为什么中国还是买到苏-27了呢?

事情要从1990年3月说起。当时,以国防科工委副主任谢光为首的中国政府高级代表团访问莫斯科,紧接着在5月31日,由中央军委副主席刘华清率领的更高级别代表团也访问了莫斯科。根据《刘华清回忆录》,这次访问中,经过激烈谈判,双方签署了《会议纪要》,中国购买苏联武器的工作进入程序化谈判阶段。正是在那次会谈中,中国军人了解到除了米格-29战斗机之外,苏联还有更先进的苏-27。

值得一提的是,这次访问期间,苏联空军在机密的库宾卡基地向客人们现场展示了苏-27战机。苏-27的优越性能让中方大为赞赏,坚定了中方引进苏-27的决心。随后,中方提出,不想要米格-29,要买苏-27。

据米高扬设计局总设计师别里雅柯夫回忆,苏联真正希望推销的是米格-29,因为该机航程短,属于战术飞机。但在会谈中途休息和进餐的过程中,那些曾在苏联留学的中方领导人与苏方领导人共同回忆起两国并肩前进的岁月,苏联官员被那段激情燃烧的岁月所感染。在中方代表团即将离开之际,别洛乌索夫突然向中方转达说:苏联政府原则上批准向中国出售苏-27。苏联回复如此之快让中国代表团很高兴。

在作出销售苏-27决定的同时,苏联又开始考虑是否按惯例将卖给中国的苏-27降低技术档次,但要用“简化版苏-27”糊弄住中国人,实在是太难了。1990年12月,中苏就苏-27出口事宜进行最后磋商。“会谈是封闭式的,吵吵争争、进进退退”,但结果皆大欢喜。28日,中国购买24 架苏-27SK单座战斗机和苏-27UBK双座教练机的协定在北京签署。作为苏-27的首次出口,中国买到的苏-27在规格上与苏联自用型号一致,同时合同金额的70%以易货交易形式支付。

协议签署后,苏联派出苏-27战机,于1991年2月在北京南苑机场进行展示。这时,西方还被蒙在鼓里,以为这只不过是一场飞行交流活动罢了。

苏-27SK进入中国

苏-27是前苏联苏霍伊设计局研制的单座双发全天候空中优势重型战斗机,主要任务是国土防空、护航、海上巡逻等。作为中国空军历史上第二次急速现代化的起点,中国方面对引进苏-27极为重视,空军内部将该项目称为“906工程”。然而,1991年12月26日,存在了69年的苏联轰然倒塌,这份署有“苏联”名号的合同还能执行吗?

独立后的俄罗斯继承了苏联的政治遗产,俄总统叶利钦也承诺继续履行出售苏-27的义务。1992年6月27日,首批12架苏-27安全飞抵中国安徽某基地,列装中国空军某王牌歼击航空兵师。11月25日,剩余12架也安全抵达。至此,解放军空军进入“苏-27时代”,此时距苏联正式装备苏-27也仅 7年。

值得一提的是,这批苏-27是在俄经济最困难时制造的,由于中国支付的美元货款太过珍贵,俄中央政府便把所有现款接收,而将易货来的罐头、羽绒衣等以“实物工资”的形式支付给工人们。

1993年8月,中俄开始了第二轮苏-27战机谈判。中国不仅希望购买更多的苏-27,更希望俄罗斯转让技术。但俄方以“维持工厂正常开工及工人工作”为由,要求中国再买48架苏-27,才能讨论技术转让话题。俄方还坚持希望中国以美元支付全部货款。中方则表示,如果得不到生产线,采购量将不超过 48架。最终,双方商定由俄方提供零部件和技术,帮助中国企业联合生产,同时中国同意再订购更多的苏-27SK成品机。

引进生产线

中国下定决心要引进苏-27生产线。1995年12月,中央军委副主席刘华清再次率团访俄。中方坚持要俄方转让生产技术,同时,中方还与俄罗斯签署了第二批24架苏-27采购合同,原则同意完全以美元购买。最终,双方基本达成苏-27生产技术转让的共同精神。

1996年4月和7月,第二批共24架苏-27SK抵达中国广东某基地。同年12月,俄副总理波雷纳科夫访华,与中方正式签下引进苏 -27生产线的协议。根据合同,中国航空工业第一集团属下的沈阳飞机制造公司在15年时间内制造200架苏-27,其中第一批苏-27的机体全部由阿穆尔河畔共青城飞机生产联合体(KnAAPO)提供,以后批次的机体逐步过渡到中国自主制造,但俄罗斯仍然提供全部200架飞机所需的发动机、雷达及电子设备、机载武器。

1997年,中国组装苏-27工作正式立项。1999年9月,首批国产歼-11开始交付部队。

直到今天,西方观察家一直追问为什么俄罗斯最终同意向中国转移苏-27生产线?其实道理很简单,因为俄罗斯研制出了新一代苏-30、苏-35等战斗机。苏-27战机首席试飞员伊留申少将说:“中国也很聪明,尽管引进的苏-27生产线对俄罗斯来说有些过时,但对中国却很有价值,中国看重了苏-27的改良潜力,毕竟苏-30、苏-35的基础设计都源于苏-27……”。

20091128/哈珀访华前出怪招 加官员赴中国调查反倾销

明报/总理哈珀访华前夕,加拿大边境服务处(CBSA)突然宣布,对中国生产的油井管材征收高达182%的反倾销税和反补贴税,而且还会在总理访华期间,派人前往中国,向中国企业进行实地调查,有学者认为加国政府在时机选择上不明智,出棋“章法”耐人寻味。

加拿大边境服务处在23日突然宣布对中国的石油管材的投诉初步成立,认定中国的油井管材产业为非市场经济行业,进口产品将被征收临时反倾销税和反补贴税。

除了征收反倾销及反补贴税外,加拿大边境服务处并且计划在总理访华的同一时间——本月30日至下月11日——派人到中国对部分中国企业进行实地核查,并将于明年2月22日前做出终裁。同时,加国际贸易法庭将就本案的损害部分继续进行调查,并将于2010年3月23日前作出终裁。

美国近日也向中国发出类似的惩罚性关税,但是在奥巴马访华期间,美中均淡化贸易摩擦的问题。但加拿大在哈珀访华期间,却派官员到中国就反倾销问题作调查,时间的微妙,颇堪玩味。

本报曾要求联邦政府作出回应,但直到截稿时间,仍然未有取得回应。

哈珀将于下周12月2至6日访问中国,加拿大亚太基金会的高级研究员张康清认为,加拿大政府选择在这一时间宣布该项裁决,时机极不明智。

他说,这些所谓的反倾销反补贴关税很明显是一种贸易保护主义措施。张克清认为,这措施可能对加国某些企业有利,但贸易保护主义不仅与国际潮流背道而驰,而且不一定对加拿大整体经济有利,因为中国也可以推出自己的保护措施。

他分析说,美国是贸易超级大国,有筹码与中国对垒,但假若中国推出反应措施,加拿大承受能力不高。

张康清又分析道,美国总统访华表现亲善,不一定让所有美国人高兴,回国后推出“双反”制裁,作出平衡,张康清认为,不排除加拿大的也是在做类似的“平衡”措施。

加拿大边境服务处在公告中指出,相关出口商和中国政府可以在60天内向加拿大边境服务处提交有关价格承诺的书面建议,修改出口价格或取消补贴,以消除对加国内产业造成的损害。

奥巴马结束访华后,美国商务部在24日宣布对中国输出的油井管案作出最终裁决,征收10.36%至15.78%不等的惩罚性关税,被认为是奥巴马先礼后兵的策略,也是多年来美国对华推出最严厉的贸易制裁,涉及产品的金额可能高达32亿美元,在中国引起极大反响,忧虑中、美贸易摩擦失控,演变成全面的贸易战。

本月23日,中国商务部发言人姚坚曾经回应美国的“双反”裁决,批评美方的调查带有歧视性,错误认定存在补贴并任意提高反补贴税率,中方对此表示强烈不满和坚决反对。

总理办向媒体发“温馨提示”

明报/总理哈珀将于下周访华,总理办公室昨向随团采访的媒体发出简单行程通告,更简介北京的天气、电插头、酒店有无互联网及风筒等“温馨提示”,颇为贴心。

哈珀将在下月2日至7日访问中国,是他上任近4年来首次访华,将访问北京、上海及香港,本报记者也获邀随团报道,而总理办昨日向随团媒体发出行程简告,哈珀专机将在下月2日到达北京,然后在4日前赴上海,停留一天后便去香港,之后还会去南韩一天,到12月7日结束是次亚洲行,返回渥太华。总理办表示,更多的访问行程,要等待星期一才会公布。

不过,在该则通告中,总理办却为记者们提供了不少“温馨提示”,例如下月2至4日北京当地的天气预测、之后上海及香港的天气预测,以及当地使用的电插头的图样等。

此外,通告又介绍哈珀及媒体每间入住酒店所提供的设施,例如房内有无风筒、烫斗、互联网等,连酒店是否接受旅行支票等资料,可见总理办的周到。

20091128/甲流疫苗供过于求 加国恐剩3000万剂

(多伦多27日加新社电)数以千万剂甲型H1N1流感疫苗或没人接种,政府发言人周五说,联邦政府会在未来两周决定如何处理那批疫苖。

卫生部长卡卢卡克(Leona Aglukkaq)已宣布,加拿大公众卫生局提供570万剂甲流疫苗,下周运到各省, 大抵能满足全国甲流疫苗需求。

那批疫苗到位后,全国的疫苗供应量逾2,150万剂,可供近64%的人口接种,明显超过表明会打防疫针的人数。

民调仅半数民众打针 低于预期

加新社与民意调查公司Harris-Decima本月的民意调查发现,56%的加拿大人准备或已打甲流防疫针。

但政府发言人说,政府内部调查一再显示,大约50%的民众已经或准备打防疫针。

加拿大订购5,004万剂甲流疫苗,足够75%加拿大人使用,每人可用两剂加强疫苖力。但政府订购疫苗后,研究揭露1剂已有足够药效,幼童除外。

截稿为止,加拿大官员坚拒讨论,他们将如何处理过剩疫苗,只说先要满足加拿大的需求,再谈论下一步。

那个立场令加拿大与一项国际协议的签约国大不相同,美国白宫促成这项协议,捐赠疫苗给世界卫生组织(WHO)。

美国与另外10国购买甲流疫苗,承诺将10%疫苗陆续捐给WHO,转赠无钱购买疫苗的发展中国家。但疫苗制造问题,让一些国家无法落实它们的承诺。

加拿大发言人指出,即时不清楚加拿大对国际的捐赠情况。

假如加拿大提供款项,不知国内过剩疫苗将如何处理,随便估计也有3,000万剂左右。

但加拿大首席医疗官巴特勒-琼斯医生(Dr. David Butler-Jones)一度表示,公众卫生局将与葛兰素药厂(Glaxo Smith Kline)讨论,退还不需要的疫苗,该公司将可更快满足其他国家的订单。

第二波未完已作第三波预防

(多伦多27日加新社电)安省政府耗资65万元,发起齐抗甲型H1N流感宣传运动,鼓励安省大学及学院学生打防疫针,又呼吁雇主安排专人到工作间,为员工打甲流防疫针,阻止第三波甲流爆发。

在安省部分地区,职场注射站最快在下周投入服务。

安省首席医疗官金雅莲(Dr. Arlene King)周五解释动员年轻人打甲流防疫针的必要,指出安省的住院甲流病人,差不多一半不足20岁。安省的甲流相关死亡病例,13%的死者未满25岁。

年轻人接种季节流感疫苖的比率一向低于整体人口,17岁到24岁的年龄组别,约有25%打季节流感针,整体人口的比率是45%到50%。可是,大专院校学生患流感和传播流感病毒的风险更高,因为他们在宿舍居住、在温书室读书,接触较多。

没种流感疫苖 1/4人中招

金雅莲引述数据说,人们没接种流感疫苖,每10万人有2.5万人或更多患流感。25人到100人需入院,20到50人需要深切治疗,多数要用氧气罩,6人将会死亡。

安省政府为高危群体打甲流防疫针后,本周发动“电邮攻势”,给53个学生协会,向40万个学生宣传。政府以学生为目标,印制一些甲流疫苗宣传海报,寄海报给公共卫生局。它还在互联网刊登广告,吸引学生查看疫苗注射站清单。

圣诞期间全省电影院播宣传动画

甲流广告下月在酒吧与餐馆张贴,全省电影院在圣诞节期间播映齐抗甲流动画广告。

一些大学已有安排学生打甲流防疫针,包括渥太华大学、布罗克大学(Brock University)。

安省迄今已有380万人打甲流预防针,自今年4 月份以来,全省有97宗化验室证实甲流死亡病例, 甲流入院人次有1,541人。直到上周五,安省有223 人住院,其中55接受深切治疗、39人需用呼吸器。

20091128/寿司店命案搜证进度慢 王旭过堂辩方催交资料

明报/多市中区“新一代”(New Generation)寿司店本月7日深夜发生的中国留学生杀人案进展缓慢。到目前为止,不但被告王旭的律师栗钧,就连检控方也没有从警方处获得任何相关资料。

栗钧认为,此案案情重大,警方和检控方搜集证据的步骤谨慎实属正常,而他还是通过检控官催促警方,尽快将资料移交。

被控二级谋杀罪名的中国留学生王旭,昨日下午在多市旧市议会法庭通过视像方式过堂。随后法官就安排他在下个月11日再次以视像方式过堂。

其后栗钧律师表示,到现在他和检控官手上都没有任何与案件有关的法律文件和资料,他只能要求检控官催促凶杀案调查组负责此案的布朗(Terry Browne)探长,尽快将这些资料移交,让他好开始研究案情。

“但这是一件凶杀案,案情重大,警方对此谨慎,需要更多时间准备资料也很正常。”栗钧律师曾表示,按他的估计,如果案发两个月之后能从警方处获得资料,已经算是比较乐观的估计。

“按照正常程序,这个案子的审理还要通过一审听证,然后才到高等法院审理。如果一切正常,这些程序应该在2010年内可以完成。”

据栗钧律师表示,他的当事人精神状态都很正常,但他拒绝透露被告家人的情况。

20091127/印度中国瓦弄之战资料全接触

何谓瓦弄之战呢?打开这段尘封的历史,让我们将目光再次加到1962中印瓦弄之战。印度以其自以为是的一惯作风,在中国藏南达旺地区蠢蠢欲动,印度总统帕蒂尔称仍然记得1962年的“瓦弄之战”。1962年的“瓦弄之战”(Battle of Walong)。

瓦弄之战资料介绍:

上世纪60年代那场两大文明古国之间的军事较量早已远去了,但留给世人无数的回忆和感慨。印军在战前气势如虹却在战争中被如同摧枯拉朽般打得一败涂地。中国人民解放军在国家经济形式极为困难的时候仍然表现出了超强的战斗力,把枉以小人心态想在中国身上趁火打劫大捞一把的印度弄了个灰头土脸,也让世人再一次见识了中国军队的强悍与不可欺!

似乎因中国军队胜得连自己都难以相信的容易,很多关于这场战争的报导均说这场战争是在张国华将军指挥下仅有西藏边防军参战下实施的,并无王牌军队参战,事实果真如此么?

1961年起,雄心勃勃的尼赫鲁自认为看准了中国国内经济困难的虚弱,在中印边境推行”前进政策”,在中国付出了极大的和平努力及周恩来总理的多次诚恳协商无果之后,中印边境战争已如箭在弦上,蓄势待发了。刚取得民族独立的印度想要一振大国雄风的心理可以理解,可惜的是,他找错了对手。

1962年夏天,印度政府为了加强fanhua气氛,其国内的舆论又大肆鼓吹同中国开战,中印边界的紧张局势到了一触即发的程度。面对印度政府严重恶化中印两国关系,并得悉印军进入克节朗河地区建立据点后,中央军委预料到下一步印军的入侵规模还会扩大,于是指示总参谋部向西藏军区下达了加强战备,准备fanji的命令。

根据军委的命令,为在必要时配合中印边境的西段反入侵、反蚕食斗争,并阻止印军越过麦克马洪线向北入侵,西藏军区拟订了作战方案。为便于作战,西藏军区以原第52师的2个团和第53师的1个团,组织了西藏军区前进指挥所(代号藏字419部队),辖步兵3个团和若干保障分队。中印边境、中锡边境(当时锡金已被印度占领)上的边防部队也转入临战训练和准备。但这些部队均只是中国边防部队的编制,相对来说并无特别辉煌的战史,也就是算不上所谓的王牌。

曾看到过一本书中模拟罗瑞卿将军的口吻说:我的意见是让54军上。今天要说的就是这个54军,54军一部的参战,改变了中印边境战争我军没有王牌军参战的历史。

但实际上54军并未全上,只是上了其一部130师。但就是这一部,却为成就新建番号的54军在人民解放军军史中不可替代的重要地位又增添了浓重的一笔。54军是由战绩显赫的44军和45军合并而成,各取一数成54军。能在强兵如林的54军保留番号的部队均非是等闲之辈。 瓦弄之战资料全接触battle of walong rose

第130师是抗战爆发后中共在冀中地区组建的八路军第三纵队,在极端艰苦的情况下进行平原游击战争,著名的”回民支队”就是这支部队的一部分。1942年日寇调集重兵发动惨绝人寰的”五一大扫荡”后,冀中主力部队陆续转入外线,其中有六个团由吕正操带领撤到晋绥根据地。抗战胜利后,根据朱德总司令的命令,吕正操带领约一个团的冀中子弟兵进军东北,出关后部队壮大为保一旅,由邓华率领参加了东北解放战争。后来编为邓华纵队的第一师,即东北minzhu联军7纵19师。在解放战争中,19师参加了血战四平街,锦州战役和天津战役,擅长城市攻坚。平津战役后该师编为44军130师,直捣广东。广东解放后,44军军部改编为海军南海舰队,130师作为主力编入新组建的54军。该部在首任军长,我军传奇勇将丁盛的率领下曾入藏平叛。

这位丁盛将军也不知是不是《亮剑》里常爱跟李云龙同志斗嘴、嘴上互相不服而又肝胆相照的那位,他是人民解放军一位著名的勇将、战将、闯将、悍将。衡宝战役中,时任45军135师师长的丁盛率所部打破林彪的既定部署突入敌后,被白崇禧桂系部队四个主力师团团包围,连林彪也对丁盛的生还绝望了,却不想丁盛竟率所部不但顽强地挺住,还把敌人打败了,促使林彪迅速改变命令,开始全线进攻,全歼敌四个主力师。经此战,Guomingdang在大陆的最后一支完整的军事集团宣告灭亡 ,被刘伯承元帅称为”腰斩七军”。在西藏平叛战斗中,这位丁盛将军还曾违抗上级不许毁坏重要的宗教建筑的命令,把炮弹从布达拉宫的窗口射了进去,曾受到林彪严肃批评。

就是这样一支王牌的部队和卓越主帅的部队进入中印边境参战,外强中干的印军下场可想而知。在瓦弄,130师如静伏的猛虎一般悄悄地守候着猎物的到来。

1962年,中印战争爆发。同年10月,丁盛奉命率54军130师再度进藏,组成以军长丁盛为首的前线指挥部(亦简称”丁指 “),统一指挥中印边境自卫fanji战中的瓦弄地区作战行动,这是一场真正的严酷的战争:丁盛和他的54军面对的是参加过第二次世界大战的正规部队。11月6日,”丁指”更是进抵西藏察隅,次日, 率所部130师等向瓦弄印军主力第四军发起全线攻击。瓦弄地区位于中印边界东段传统习惯线以北的喜马拉雅山脉南麓,为典型的高山、峡谷、密林地区,作战条件异常艰苦。在这次战役中,丁盛所部再次表现出了王牌部队特别能打恶战、特别能克强敌的特有作风,经过激战夺回瓦弄,直逼至传统习惯线附近,歼灭印军三个营全部、一个营大部和印军第11旅旅直分队等部共12000多人,使号称参加过二 战,曾击败”沙漠之狐”隆美尔军团的印度荣誉部队威风扫地。此战是中印战争中最关键一战也是最后一战,史称 “瓦弄大捷”。直到今日,在印度的军校里。模拟假想敌的番号仍然是”54″。战后,奉命主动撤至1959年11 月7日双方实际控制线中国一侧20公里处。12月下旬,”丁指”返抵重庆,所属部队亦于战后的第二年1月初返抵原驻地 。其后,丁盛奉命在军区党委扩大会议上作瓦弄地区自卫fanji战情况报告,又率员分赴四川各地作巡回报告两千余场次,再率员到沈阳、南京、广州、兰州等军区汇报。一时间,丁盛及54军声名大振,进一步垫定了54军在人民解放军军史乃至中国革命史中的重要地位,成了王牌中的王牌。

中印边境战争的硝烟已在历史中渐行渐远,2003年,印度国防部长费尔南德斯和总理瓦杰帕依先后访问中国,正式开启中印两国友好合作的序幕。而此时,中印之战已过去40多年,印度士兵的枯骨早已融进了喜马拉雅山南麓的土壤中,只有矗立在藏边风雪中的喜马拉雅山山脊和潺潺流淌的冰川天河之水作为沉默的见证者诉说着那场惊心动魄的大战和那段风云激荡的历史。

今天,写作此文并非为印军失败寻找借口,更不是为了向世人炫耀中国过去胜利的辉煌。如果本文有幸为印度朋友所见,请印度朋友能真正理解一点:伟大而充满智慧的中华民族是最宽容、最博爱和最顽强的,放眼全球,只有中华民族能一以贯之地为构建世界之和谐而积极努力,不畏Qiangbao、不欺弱者、坚持公平和正义,只有中华民族还能在争利夺物的世界中紧守着生命的良知。愿我们以史为戒、以史为鉴,共同开创和谐世界的美好明天!

http://www.ieeye.com/post/wanongzhizhan.html


India 1962: 11th Infantry Brigade at the Battle of Walong
v.2.0 March 31, 2002

Sources include “Famous Battles” Bharat Rakshak http://www.bharat-rakshak.com/

Walong was originally the responsibility of a single battalion, 6th Kumaon, and an Assam Rifles company. The later had a platoon on the border. With preparations for war, HQ 5th Infantry Brigade arrived on October 31st, 1962. After the initial clashes, India raised HQ 2nd Division to take over eastern NEFA while 4th Division was made responsible for western NEFA. 181st Brigade was ordered to take over Walong from 5th Brigade, but due to protests by local commanders, the move was cancelled, and instead 11 Infantry Brigade was placed in charge. Chinese forces included one division and at least one additional regiment with their forward base at Rima. Walong had a tiny airstrip that was expanded to accept the IAF’s DHC-4 Otter, which could fly in 6 men at a time. A handful of Mi-4 helicopters, perhaps 3-4, were also available. At the time the road from India’s forward road head to Walong consisted of a 150+ km mule track, which took two weeks round-trip to negotiate. As with all battles in the Northeast in the 1962 War, manpower was not the issue as much as:

·Refusal to let Indian troops concede space for time, leading to static defenses which the Chinese consecutively engaged and rolled over
·Scattering of Indian forces all along the front to maintain a political presence
·Lack of artillery
·Lack of acclimatized troops, ammunition, engineer materials, supplies of every kind
·Haphazard, casual command arrangements
·Chopping and breaking up of units and sub-units destroying the integrity of units and formations

HQ 2 Infantry Division [Maj.-Gen. M.S. Pathania] under raising at Teju.

11th Infantry Brigade [Brigadier N.C. Rawlley, in 1971 War GOC XI Corps]
- 3/3rd Gorkha Rifles
- 4th Dogra
- 4th Sikhs
- 6th Kumaon

71st Heavy Mortar Battery
17th Parachute Field Regiment, one battery
6th Mahar Machinegun Regiment, one platoon
An engineer platoon
One company, Assam Rifles [Army-officered paramilitary, for Northeast India internal security and border duty]

5th Infantry Brigade [Does not figure in the battle]

181st Infantry Brigade [Does not figure in the battle]

Notes

A. It can be seen that the allotment of artillery, machineguns, and engineers was suitable for a single battalion - not for a reinforced brigade, particularly given the dispersed manner in which the troops were deployed, and the difficulty in any case of concentrating resources in the high mountains.

B. Please note that “Gorkha” is the correct spelling for Indian regiments; “Gurkha” is the British spelling. After Independence the regiments remaining with India - 1, 3, 4, 5, 8, and 9 had the spelling changed to Gorkha; the regiments that went to the British Army - 2, 5, 6, 7, and 10 retained the spelling Gurkha. 11 Gorkhas is an Indian raised regiment with no ties to the old British-Indian Army.

http://www.ordersofbattle.darkscape.net/site/history/historical/india/walong1962.html


BATTLE OF WALONG, 18 OCT - 16 NOV 1962

——————————————————————————–

Sources: Flash of the Khukri: History of 3 GR. Col. C.L. Proudfoot
Unsung heroes of the 62 War. Lt. Col. Gurdip Singh Kler
Indian Army after Independence. Major K.C. Praval

——————————————————————————–

INTRODUCTION

The 1962 Chinese invasion is a tragic watershed in the military history of India. It exposed an inept Indian state both militarily and politically. But for most of the war, the fighting qualities of the Indian jawan and the young officers remained unchanged. Without a mention of the heroic resistance offered at Walong, no story of the 1962 war will be complete. Walong is a small hamlet located near the tri junction of Tibet, Burma and India. Situated on an ancient trade route, it was manned by an Assam Rifles post with a small airfield capable of only handling Indian Air Force Otters and Caribous. The hills surrounding Walong were between 10,000 to 16,000 feet. Air drops were the only way to support this sector. The Chinese carried occasional incursions through the Lohit Valley to familiarize themselves. In response, the 6th Kumaon was moved into the area in March 1962 with a company posted about 2 miles from the border. Meanwhile across the border, Chinese activity increased with posts moving closer to the border.

——————————————————————————–

THE BATTLE

18 - 25 October 1962: The Initial Attacks

Although the 6th Kumaon was responsible for the Walong sector an Assam Rifles platoon was manning the post at the border. The 6th Kumaon were deployed as the following:

‘A’ Company - Richu NH 5200

‘B’ Company - East Ridge NH 5477

‘C’ Company - Kibithoo NH 5196

‘D’ Company - Ladders area NH 5483

Battalion Tactical Headquarters - Kibithoo

Battalion HQ with Admin elements - Walong NN5377

On October 18th, a recon patrol under Subedar Surendra Chand was sent to Hundred Hill (NH 4999). He recorded the presence of 2 Chinese officers and 50 OR (Other Ranks). In response one platoon of Assam Rifles was sent to Ninety Hill (NH 4990). It was under the control of Jemadar Bhairab Singh of A Coy. The 2 other platoons of A Coy were occupying Sangram NH 5199 and Richu. On October 21st light signals were observed on the Chinese side. In response Major Gamathinayagam of A Coy moved with a platoon, less a section, to the McMahon Ridge. One platoon was sent to Dichu Nullah to prevent any enemy advance from the Taluk Pass.

At 0015 a.m. on October 22nd, the Himalayan calm was shattered by the noise of Chinese mortar & machine gun fire. 300 enemy troops attacked the two platoons’ position of A Coy and another 100 attacked Madiah Top (NH 5302). Accurate Indian 3″ mortar fire however brought the attack to a brief halt. Little later, reinforced in numbers, the Chinese made another attack along with simultaneous assaults on Lohit II (NH 5303) and Laila (NH 5101). For 4 hours they were held back, till through sheer numbers they broke through. Naik Bahadur stepped in after his 1st and 2nd gunners were killed and manned the LMG. He kept on firing till a burst of automatic fire brought him down. The Indians withdrew to establish positions in Walong. D Coy under Lieutenant Bikram Singh was to provide the screening position at Ashi Hill (NH 5484) along with a mortar and MMG section. Lieutenant Singh had the planks over the Namti Nullah weakened from the Indian side.

When the Chinese came in at 3 a.m. on October 23rd, the first Chinese soldier stepped on the plank and fell into the nullah. As the following Chinese milled around, many lights were fired revealing the Chinese in a cramped path. The mortars and MMGs sighted on this section brought down accurate fire. About 200 Chinese troops were killed or wounded in this action against nine Indian fatalities. At 4 a.m. the screen was ordered to withdraw. Meanwhile the 4th Sikhs made contact with the enemy and subjected them to withering fire from 3″ mortar, LMGs and MMGs. Meanwhile the Chinese had set off a bush fire and sneaked forward. Sensing the twin danger, Sepoy Piara Singh tried to douse the fire and fire at the enemy. Profusely bleeding he refused to be evacuated and died fighting to the end. On the night of October 25th, the Chinese tried another probe but the Sikhs held firm. As some of the Chinese started to close in, Sepoy Kewal Singh rushed out of his post and charged them with his bayonet killing a few in hand to hand combat. However he was mortally wounded.

26 - 13 November 1962: Reorganizing & Reinforcing

Over the next few days there were clashes between Indian and Chinese patrols as the Chinese rushed in reinforcements. On October 26th, B Coy of 4th Sikhs was out on an recon patrol when it was surrounded by the Chinese. While the outnumbered Indians were unable to break the encirclement, it was decided to attack the Chinese flank to surprise them. A unit led by Lance Naik Kartar Singh volunteered for the task. The unit sneaked in and launched an attack the Chinese. Surprised by this the enemy reeled in disarray allowing the encircled patrol to break free. Meanwhile the Indian defences were in a state of turmoil. Initially 5th Brigade was in charge of the Walong sector.

A reorganisation brought it under Headquarters 2nd Infantry Division which allotted Walong to the 181 Brigade belonging to 2nd Division. However the Divisional commander of 2nd Division objected, so the 11th Brigade under Brigadier N.C. Rawlley was asked to move to Walong. This changing and chopping was to the detriment of the defence of Walong. Furthermore to bring it up full brigade strength, initially 2/8 Gorkha Rifles was asked to move to Walong. But halfway through the move they were replaced by 3/3 Gorkha Rifles. Then suddenly 3/3 Gorkha Rifles was asked to move to Hayuliang. Finally when 11th Brigade took over the 3/3 Gorkhas were brought back to Walong.

So by November 3rd the following units were in place:

• 4th Sikhs

‘A’ Coy - Dong Hill East of Lohit river
‘B’ Coy - Maha Plateau, Ladders West of Lohit river
‘C’ Coy - Dong plateau
‘D’ Coy - Lachman Ridge
3″ Mortar - Slopes of Dong Hill

• 3/3 Gorkhas

‘A’ Coy - Dong Plateau
‘B’ Coy - Dong Hill east of Lohit river
‘C’ Coy - Ladders Area
‘D’ Coy - Lachman Ridge

• 4th Dogras

1 Coy to reinforce Tri Junction area (arrived on 14th November)

Green Pimple Spur (NH 4983), which overlooked the Brigade defences was occupied by the Chinese. Since a further advance along this spur could mean the fall of the Walong airstrip, ‘A’ Coy was asked to retake it. Led by Captain Mathur the men moved into position for a morning assault on November 6th. Unfortunately at the last moment the promised mortar support did not come. Still at 8:50 a.m. to the cries of Kali Mata ki Jai they attacked. In spite of sustained Chinese mortar and machine gun fire the Kumaonis managed to force the forward Chinese posts to retreat. But the Kumaonis soon ran out of ammo but continued engaging in hand to hand combat. But now the determined Chinese fire forced a retreat. This was also the only option as even if they took Green Pimple they had no ammo to resist a counter attack. The company took defensive positions at 11,000 feet along the West Ridge. However weakened, it was attacked repeatedly by the Chinese and after the 5th attack it was relieved by Lt. Bikram Singh’s D Coy.

Meanwhile the 4th Sikh had been aggressively patrolling, killing many of the enemy. However the 3 battalions were holding positions in such a manner that sub-units of one, were placed under another and two of the battalions held positions on both sides of the river. As seen from the above, the 4th Sikhs were spread across 6000 yards and an abnormally large frontage. The Gorkhas were spread across 3000 - 4000 yards. This made for poor command and control. The 6th Kumaon HQ was east of the river but they held the lines west of the river. The 4th Sikh and 3/3 Gorkhas held positions east of the river while their headquarters were west of the river. In addition to these 3 battalions there were a company of Assam Rifles, the 71 Heavy Mortar Battery, the 17 Field Regiment Battery, a platoon of 6 Mahar and a platoon of Engineers. This didn’t make any sense and no commander tried to correct it. In spite of this all the units held firm against repeated probing attacks from the Chinese who were now at divisional strength.

14 - 16 November 1962: The Final Battle

As the enemy built up for the final attack, though the brigade’s western flank became apparent, it was decided to launch a spoiling attack. The attack was to be launched on Yellow Pimple as it was dominated by the Tri Junction area. On 13th November the Btn, less Lt. Bikram’s four platoons, marched to Tri Junction. At 9:30 a.m. on November 14th with the 4th Sikhs providing a diversion, Yellow Pimple was attacked by 2 companies under Captain B.N. Singh and Major Sharma. As the valiant Kumaonis charged up, they were met by heavy artillery and machine gun fire. Unfortunately the only fire support for the Kumaonis came from 3″ mortars. Captain B.N. Singh’s Coy reached about 20 meters from the top.

As sustained enemy fire seemed to bog them down, Subedar Govind Singh charged forward with an LMG to destroy an enemy bunker. Meanwhile another enemy machine gun nest opened up on him and the brave Subedar charged that one too, silencing it, but in the process was killed. Inspired by this feat of bravery, Jemadar Trilok Singh likewise charged another MG nest but was swept by MG fire. The other company now had closed to 50 meters before they too ground to an halt. By now the Indians had lost 20 dead and Captain B.N. Singh was wounded. 2/Lt Khatri took over. The CO of the Btn, Colonel Madiah, decided to send the two reserve platoons to reinforce the attack.

Meanwhile the Chinese had stabilized their positions and at 8:30 p.m. made a battalion size counter attack. The two companies were surrounded and sustained hand-to-hand combat took place. However the darkness allowed some of them to disengage and even though they were subjected to heavy shelling, some of them under 2nd Lts. Khatri and Jindal inched their way back to Tri Junction. Exhausted and depleted the 6th Kumaonis now braced themselves for the final attack. At 4:30 a.m. on November 15th the Chinese attacked Tri Junction. For two hours they were pummeled with machine guns and mortars but the Kumaonis held. By 6 a.m. the attack fizzled out. However Captain Bhatia and 2nd Lt. Khatri were wounded. Now the Chinese established a OP about 200 yards from Tri Junction. The next series of attacks commenced at 6 p.m. on November 15th. It was followed by attacks every four hours with human wave tactics.

The 4th Dogra reinforcements found their way cut off and only 33 men made it through. But even these were welcome as they brought in much needed ammunition. 4 more Chinese attacks were repulsed but the Indians were running out of men and ammo. Meanwhile A Coy of 4th Sikh came under constant sniping. A patrol under Subedar Harnam Singh was sent to cut the enemy off, but was thrown back. At night the Chinese attacked. Wave after wave attacked, but the Sikhs held firm. Havildar Labh Singh was wounded thrice and each time rejoined the fighting after getting first aid. Soon the Coy had lost its commander and second-in-command along with two platoon commanders.

Subedar Harnam Singh and Massa Singh were wounded. Lance Havildar Kirpa Ram the battalion tradesman kept supplying ammo to the bunkers. On one of his runs he was hit and wounded but continued his task. Another hit killed him. Meanwhile D Coy was also attacked. After the first two waves were repelled, with dead Chinese littering the ground, a third wave followed. This time after bitter fighting the position fell. The few who straggled back spoke of the gallant company commander, Lt. Yog Palta. He moved from bunker to bunker encouraging his men, pausing to fire his Sten gun and hurl grenades. A burst of LMG fire hit him in the neck and with the death of the young commander the position fell. With ammo running out, the end was near. Still the Sikhs fought tenaciously. Two platoons were wiped out to a man. The Chinese dead were piling up all around. Finally the order to withdraw came and what was left of the Sikhs made their way back. Fittingly they were the only troops who captured some Chinese arms.

On November 16th, the Chinese launched an attack against all forward posts. Between 0500 and 0530 hours supported by artillery, mortar and machine gun fire, they attacked the 4th Sikh’s A Coy at Maha plateau, north of the D Coy at Lacman Ridge. By 0530 the Sikh positions were overrun and the remaining Sikhs were ordered to withdraw. Now the Gorkhas of D Company were the next target. Subedar Kharak Bahadur commanding the forward platoon held fire till the Chinese closed in. The subsequent firing killed 12 Chinese and wounded 15. A second attack at 0630 hrs was also beaten back. The Chinese now tried to flank the company. Seeing this, Naik Keshar Bahadur Gurung picked his Bren and moved to a vantage point from where he kept engaging the enemy till ordered to withdraw.

By 1500 hrs the Chinese started closing in and the Coy Cdr., Captain K.N. Bavadam, could not contact the Btn or Bde HQ. So he decided to break through the Chinese cordon on his own. He and Subedar Kharak Bahadur evacuated Major Samatsar of 4th Sikh who had been wounded. As the withdrawal proceeded they were ambushed and outnumbered by Chinese units which had slipped around them. Naik Keshar Bahadur Gurung was hit on the hip but continued to fight till another round tore into his neck. He was mortally wounded. Havildar Chandra Bahadur Pun took over the Bren and provided covering firing till the last man was able to withdraw. Unfortunately he was killed in the process. D Company now found themselves in the abandoned positions of the 4th Sikhs C Coy. The Gorkhas occupied the positions and continued the fight. Finally as the Chinese started to rain in artillery, Captain Bavadam asked the Gorkhas to pull back. In this process a number of personnel were killed including Captain Bavadam.

C Coy in Ladders Post lower down the ridge, east of Maha Plateau was commanded by Major N.B. Chand. Maintaining strict fire control the Gorkhas were fighting fiercely. Their position on the Kibithu-Walong track, on the west bank of the Lohit river got its name from the steps cut into the rock face. The Gorkhas positions were in the rock caves. As long as support from the east bank existed, the Gorkhas were safe. The Chinese attacked on 15th morning and suffered heavily. Falling back they blasted the Gorkhas with bazooka fire for the whole day but failed to make any dent. That night they made a second attack and were again repulsed. On 16th morning the Gorkhas watched the attack on the Sikhs position east of the river. The river which was supposed to be un-fordable and un-crossable was crossed by the Chinese using rubber dinghies. Once the Sikhs position fell the Gorkhas were exposed. The Chinese lined up direct fire weapons across the bank and began to methodically blast the Ladders.

The Gorkha bunkers were collapsing one by one but the Gorkhas remained put. Many men were killed in the process and the Major ordered his men to the trenches. The Chinese still could not advance. At 1000 hours, the 4th Sikh’s Btn HQ was asked for ammunition and reinforcements but the Sikhs could not spare any. By now, the 4th Sikhs, 4th Dogras and 6th Kumaon had withdrawn. Major Chand ordered his Coy to withdraw at 1630 hours, with most able to escape, except for Major Chand himself, who was captured. Meanwhile east of the Lohit river, A and B Coys, along with the Btn HQ, were in a fix too. The 4th Sikh’s C Coy was attacked by the Chinese at midnight on 16th November. A platoon of B Coy was sent to reinforce 4th Sikh at High Plateau. By the time the Gorkhas reached there, the Sikhs were overrun and after a brief firefight the Gorkhas returned.

At 0600 hours, A Coy at Dong Plateau was subjected to heavy shelling and mortar fire. Under this cover the Chinese started edging closer. The shelling by the Chinese set fire to A Coy positions but the Gorkhas hung on tenaciously. At 1430 hrs the Chinese again resumed a build up and as the positions became untenable, Major Chatterjee was ordered to withdraw A and B Coys by Btn HQ. B Coy led by Major R.S. Virk was intercepted by the Chinese. This forced them to change route and they subsequently were lost. 6th Platoon made it to battalion HQ on November 17th only to find the Chinese already there. The rest crossed at Dantir Nallah at 2100 hours on November 16th and were on their way to the hills across Yepak when the Chinese ambushed them further confusing the group.

At the end, Majors Chatterjee and Thapa, Captains S.N. Kapil and G.S. Bajai (artillery) and 60 – 80 ORs were ambushed on November 16th. Except for Captain Bajaj and 2nd Lt. Madaiya who had escaped, the rest were captured. Brigade HQ’s orders to withdraw never reached the Gorkhas. Due to this the Chinese had already moved into positions behind them where other units had withdrawn or had collapsed. At 7:30 a.m. on November 16th, the Chinese reinforced by 2 more brigades attacked with 120mm mortar fire. By now communication with Bde. HQ had been cut off. The supply route to Tri Junction was cut off. The only other pocket was at the West Ridge where 4 platoons under the valiant Lt. Bikram Singh. At 8:30 am this ad hoc company was attacked by close to 4000 Chinese troops.

From three sides, the Chinese poured in artillery and MG fire. But the Kumaonis held till 11 a.m. till the situation became militarily futile and orders were given to withdraw. As Lt. Bikram Singh started extricating his men he was cut down. The Chinese suffered terrible casualties (almost 5 times). By midday all troops were asked to withdraw. Some managed to get back through the treacherous terrain. But many NEVER GOT THE ORDERS. They slugged it out to the last man, to the last bullet. As Brigadier N.C. Rawlley said, “6th Kumaon at Tri Junction fought and fought and fought till there was nothing left. After this there was eerie silence.” Sikhs, Kumaonis, Gorkhas and Dogras fought shoulder-to-shoulder to the bitter end. Two months after the cease-fire when the Indians returned they found that the Chinese had marked the positions of the dead. Many of the bunkers showed the dead where they had last manned their weapons.

http://www.bharat-rakshak.com/LAND-FORCES/Army/History/1962War/Walong.html

20091127/台神秘监听机房曝光 手机MSN对话内容皆可掌握

中新网/据台湾《中国时报》报道,台湾神秘的监听机房首度曝光。占全台监听业务五分之四监听量的“刑事警察局”通讯监察中心,二十六日在“立委”考察有无违法监听时,第一次打开层层管制的监听服务器密室让外界一瞧究竟,由于是无人机房,因此前往考察的“立委”张显耀等都相信,在此应该无法进行违法监听。

通讯监察中心只是一栋名为“亲民楼”的老旧三层楼建筑,不过内部设备新颖的监听机房,所从事深入民众生活的监听业务,却也和“亲民楼”的名称颇能相互呼应。

警政官员透露,中心内的监听设备,不仅可以监听传统市话、行动电话和传真等通讯内容,包括网络的MSN对话和SKYPE电话,甚至最新的3G电话内容,都有办法掌控和录制。

据了解,通讯监察中心原本设于木栅,去年采购新的监听设备后,才搬到北投这处隐密的地方,虽然就在台北荣总旁,不过先进入保一总队后,一直深入到底才能见到这栋红楼,若不含大门卫哨,要进入机房一共就要通过四道关卡。

据指出,通讯监察中心现有编制四十七人,主要是负责监听业务的技术性工作,以及核对监听票等监听前端的管制,内部并不涉入监听工作,相关监听业务仍须由司法调查人员前来进行。

官员表示,通讯监察中心在台中和高雄还有分处,全台总共有两百台监听设备,目前置于北投的监听服务器,是最新的装备,随着科技进步,设备越来越小,但处理速度越来越快,因此一间偌大的机房,只摆着几台机器,可能跟过去外界以为有一整片设备的印象有很大落差。

官员说,现在负责监听译本的人员业务量已经下降许多,通常一个人大概只负责两条线的监听,过去时代曾有一人负责七十二条线监听的记录;也就是说,如果要监听十万人,这里恐怕需有五万人负责,怎可能有那么多人力。

他也强调,连监察中心主任,都没有进入监听机房的权责,甚至进去开个灯都不行,只有技术维修人员可以进入,而且进入都会陪同管制,出事就找这些人,在这种无人机房设计下,要违法监听根本不可能。

20091127/超市遇劫 东主不敢捉

世界日报/25日晚9时左右,一名中东裔男子驾车来到唐人街超级市场后门,大模大样走入超市仓库,搬起两箱厨用料酒后,夺门而出,驾驶一辆厢型车逃离现场。当时,超市东主林光凯就在仓库内,与劫匪迎面撞上,可是想到陈旺捉贼反被控一案,硬是没敢去追贼。林光凯哀叹:生意难做。

中区华埠今夏接连发生两起因超市东主捉贼引发的轩然大波,特别是金牛超市老板陈旺抓小偷反被警方控罪之后,令大家更不敢抓小偷。

唐人街超级市场老板林光凯表示,超市内经常发生小偷小摸的事件,自超市开业10个月来,他已经捉过好几十个小偷,没捉到的更是不计其数。

25日晚林光凯眼睁睁见贼逃走的同时,立刻报警。警方于案发后近一小时才到场,简单记下笔录后即离去。

林光凯表示,尽管自己的市场安装了摄像装置,但每个月还是因为小偷遭受至少1000多元的损失。他哀叹说:“薄利经营的生意不好做,希望窃贼可以手下留情。”

52分局当值警员表示,警方已将唐人街超级市场失窃案件立案侦查,目前正在通缉该名中年的中东裔男子,警方希望区内民众积极提供破案线索。

今年5月23日,金牛城超市东主陈旺等三人涉嫌在其位于中区华埠超市外,将捉到的窃贼手脚捆绑、扣留在汽车内。警方到场后向陈旺等提出绑架、强行禁锢及暗藏武器等控罪。目前,此案仍在审理过程中,而陈旺等尚未脱罪。

另外,今年7月17日,多伦多唐人街华隆超市发生偷窃案,一名女子涉嫌在店内偷去总值30元的货物,被女店主余美英及两名女职员截获。在店方报警后,涉嫌偷窃的女子与女店主及两名女店员发生肢体冲突,造成女店主及两名女店员受伤。

警察在半小时左右来到超市,警员经调查后以证据不足将涉案女子放走。次日,那名怀疑偷窃及伤人的女子被警方控以偷窃及伤人共四项罪名。

20091127/抢楼花 华人经纪皆大欢喜

世界日报/数十位华人地产经纪排了10天队认购楼花,却因出现其他排队队伍而造成纷争,地产商于26日提供补偿方案,几乎每个人都拿到了公寓单位。

25日,数十名华人经纪排队买楼长达10天,原定可以认购到自己想要的X2公寓单位。但是从前一天晚上起,售楼中心附近又出现了另外两条排队人龙,而地产发展却不承认华人经纪的那条排队人龙,引起华人经纪的强烈不满,他们于当日下午召开记者会,提出抗议。

事件很快有了转机。据天合地产的经纪陈虹昨天表示,经过华人经纪与地产发展商方面的交涉与沟通,从昨天中午起,在排队名单上华人经纪都接到了地产商方面打来的电话,通知他们去挑选自己要的单位,而且几乎所有接到通知的人也都很快去办理了认购手续。

陈虹说,对于地产商方面的补偿做法,华人经纪大多都能接受。至于晚了一天是否还是选到了各自理想的单位,陈虹持肯定回答。她说,第一天能选到当然好,但第二天也一样,因地产商每批拿出的单位大致是平衡的,各种楼层和各种单位混搭在一起,且每位经纪的选择也有弹性,所以现在大家拿到的单位都还算满意。

这座因销售引起争议的市中心高层公寓楼盘是由建筑商Great Gulf Homes承建的X2项目,其代销商是Baker地产公司。X2楼盘位于Jarvis St.与Charles St. E附近,临近多伦多地铁枢纽Yonge/Bloor交汇处。公寓楼高42层计画2013年竣工。由于该楼盘地点适中,交通便利,且平均楼价每平方尺470元,低于附近楼盘的平均价520元,稍低于市价,被不少业者认为具投资价值,因此吸引不少地产经纪为顾客买盘,这其中包括不少华裔经纪。

据了解,X2楼盘25日起首先对地产经纪放盘,之后再向公众开放。为了抢到好的楼层和单位,很多经纪不辞辛苦早早去排队。其中一些人还在附近订了酒店,便于排队等候时轮流休息。但在24日晚至25日凌晨,在代销商销售楼盘的临时处所Intercontinental Hotel酒店外,排队认购公寓的队伍又出现两条,售楼处的代表和警察认为这些华裔经纪排的队不合法,引起华人经纪的抗议。

买公寓 管理费先打探

加通社多伦多26日电/大楼共管公寓越来越热门,其原因包括有很多空巢期父母大屋换小屋,及公寓售价还是比较低,对一般家庭而言较能负担的起。
不过共管公寓即使售价低,仍有一项费用是独立房屋所没有的支出,就是维护公寓、城市屋和其公共设施的每月管理费,而该笔费用会根据建筑物面积大小、屋龄、坐落地点,及提供的服务品质出现明显差异。

加拿大房地产协会主席芮平格指出,新建筑和老公寓的能源支出和维护费用差异甚大,还有管理费包括的服务性支出亦相当不同,有些管理费包括暖气、用水、有线电视等各种开销,有些则通通由各单位自行负担,其每月差价往往数百元,譬如顶楼penthouse的住户每月管理费可能高达千元,小单位住户仅需数百元。

贷款业者罗森指出,民众购物前应先了解公寓管理费行情,免得每月开支中未加上这项支出,最后连带付不出贷款月偿额,其实最容易预估管理费的方法是了解公寓中的公共设施多不多,如果认为自己根本用不到这些设施,最好另觅其他公寓,以免白缴大笔管理费。

芮平格并指出,买家应要求房屋仲介提供这些资讯,另外记录管理委员会开会决议及提供预算收支额度的大楼报告(Estoppal or Status Certificate)亦不可免。

芮平格另表示,买家通常不会对共管公寓进行验屋,但仍要考虑建筑物的老旧程度,最重要的是买家在做出决定前,一定要尽量获得相关资讯,感觉满意后再签约付定金。

20091127/加医生人数增8% 高出人口增长

(多伦多26日加新社电)1份最新报告显示,加拿大医生供应量过去5年增加8%,高出人口4.3%的增长率,医生组织说那是正确的方向。

加拿大家庭医生学会(College of Family Physicians of Canada)执行总监及总裁古特金医生(Cal Gutkin)说:“已开始实施各种政策,我认为它们正取得一些成效,因此这是初步的好消息。”

加拿大健康资讯研究所(Canadian Institute for Health Information)周四发表176页报告《加拿大医生的供应、迁移与分布》(Supply, Migration and Distribution of Canadian Physicians)。它采用斯科特医疗数据库(Scott’s Medical Database)的数据,涵盖行医、研究、教学和行政工作在内的几乎所有医生资料。

根据该报告资料,加拿大2008年有65,440位正在工作的医生,高于2004年的60,612人。

这意味着加拿大医生人数增长8%,而同期加拿大人口增长4.3%。去年,加拿大每10万人拥有195位医生,2004年则为189名。

加拿大健康资讯研究所医疗人力资源项目主管罗斯哈特(Yvonne Rosehart)表示,每个省份的医生总数都出现增长,而且整体增长已持续数年。

报告显示,自1990年代末开始,医学院的入学人数出现急剧增长。

例如,卑诗省在2003年颁发114个医学学位,但去年增至197个。除纽芬兰省外,每个省份医学院颁授的医学学位均在增加。

另一方面,医生人数增长的另1因素是,加拿大医生不再像过去那样于65岁退休。报告显示,13.8%的专科医生和8.8%的家庭医生,均已满或超过65岁。

古特金估计,现在执业的家庭医生约有2.7万至2.8万人。

他说:“在2004年,全国医科学生仅23%选择家庭医生为职业首选,而今年该比例已升至32.5%。”但为了满足本国家庭医生的需求,应有超过40%的学生选择该专业。

安省公费省外就医增2倍
花费逾亿 多涉基因检测痴肥治疗

(多伦多26日加新社电)安省公费外地医疗个案飙升,去年申请增至12,393宗,花费1.279亿元。卫生厅长马修斯(Deb Matthews,图)周四表示,省府要致力加强省内医疗服务,令更多病人在省内就医。

马修斯厅长告诉省议会:“安省医疗保险计划(OHIP)出钱的省外医疗服务,有急剧增加的趋势,我们正努力减少这个数字。”

假如安省没有所需服务,或病人急需的护理不能在安省获得,便可以公帑支付省外的医疗开支。

根据政府数字,去年出国接受检测或治疗的申请增至12,393宗,2004-05年只有4,775宗。去年安省的国外医疗开支达到1.279亿元。

大部分申请(6,381宗)涉及DNA检测,比2004-05年高出3倍多。去年有3,412宗申请涉及痴肥治疗服务,2004-05年时只有644宗。磁力共振扫描(MRI)和电脑造影扫描占595宗,比之前一年的382宗大幅□升,接近2004-05年的670宗。

马修斯指出,头5位的基因测试,检测胚胎心脏疾病与先天性缺陷,但安省现在不做这些检测,计划明年春天做。

她补充,安省医疗保险支付的那些国外开支,有些实际只是送到美国测试的样本,不是病人的费用。

马修斯表示,省府也增加拨款,提供减肥手术及治疗饮食失衡的计划,这两项有很多外地就医个案。

安省政府3月时宣布,拨款7,500元提供更多减肥手术,减少到美国接受这项手术的病人数目。

官员指出,该计划意味省内胃部搭桥手术上升500%,这项手术今年只有244宗,到2011至2012年将增加到1,470宗。

新民主党领袖霍沃斯(Andrea Horwath)指出,将安省病人送到美国的钱,应该用来资助安省医疗设施。

反对党医疗评议员艾略特(Christine Elliott)说,自由党政府应该从长计议,考虑如何运用安省420亿元医疗预算。

20091127/警扮瘾君子探帕克岱尔一年三度扫毒再拘60人

明报/多市中区西面的帕克岱尔社区(Parkdale)街头毒品交易猖獗已是由来已久。那些吸毒成瘾的瘾君子,今日被捕,明日释放,警方也只能每隔一段时间就采取一次扫荡行动,令这些吸毒贩毒者不致太肆无忌惮。14分局今年的第三次扫毒行动近日结束,警方共逮捕了60名疑犯,提出122项控罪,此外还检获数量不等的各种毒品。

提出控罪逾210项

14分局高级探长凯利(Brian Kelly)表示,此次行动的代号为“日光行动”(Project Sunshine),总共进行了5周。14分局派出多名卧底警员,假扮瘾君子在街头从小毒贩手中购买毒品,当场拘捕贩毒分子以及上线的拆家。警方总共逮捕了60名疑犯,提出控罪超过210项。

警方扫毒的主要区域在布鲁亚西街夹兰士登路,奥星顿路,大学街夹士巴丹拿道,皇帝街家德化林街,皇后街夹巴特士街,兰士登路等。就连中区华埠的士巴丹拿道和登打士西街地区也是警方的扫毒重点区域之一。

凯利探长表示:“这些贩毒活动牵涉面很广,往往涉及抢劫、伤人、入屋盗窃等罪案,民愤极大。我们分局接到了许多市民的举报,蒐集足够证据之后就开始行动。”

警方总共执行了8张搜查令,有好几次当警方冲进毒窟搜查毒品和逮捕疑犯时,一些附近的住户甚至公开表示支持。这些被捕疑犯中有许多是惯犯。其中15人是处在假释期,被捕的60人已被判定的罪名总共多达955项。

高级探长麦金泰尔(Paul MacIntyre)表示,警方总共检获价值5.1万元的毒品可卡因,价值6000元的印度大麻,1.1万元的毒品“K仔”,价值2.5万元的大麻,和6.4万元的安非他命毒品。

14分局此次扫毒行动,在今年已是第三次。头一次是在今年的2月至3月间,第二次是在今年6及7月。

20091127/政府自动转帐成漏洞,长者逝世“续领”老人金

明报/本报上周日独家报道政府“突击检查”回流长者领取老人金的议题,引起社区极大回响。再有读者向本报爆料,指老人金自动转帐系统可能存在漏洞,据知有人去世后,家人仍继续“代领”老人金。

有会计师称,确有此等情况,政府可从市民每年的报税中查出死亡状况,如果去世的长者银行帐户为联名户口,政府更可能会向联名人追讨多发的老人金;假如有人以非法手段隐瞒,更可能被刑事检控。

他又称,近年听到较多调查员查领取老人金长者的案例,可能与“有太多人滥用政府的福利”有关。

在本报有关“突击检查”领取老人金人士的报道刊出后,先后有多名读者向本报报料。其中一名华裔读者指出,知道社区内除了有长者回流香港后,继续领取本地老人金及香港的生果金外;更有长者过身后家人没有申报,政府继续将老人金转帐至银行帐户,家人可以在长者“过世后继续领钱”。

另一名读者更透露,有长者与亲友开设联名帐户,虽然长者已在外地去世,但没有向加国政府申报,联名户口的亲友,仍可轻易将老人金领出来花用。

会计师陈作人在接受本报访问时,证实这种现象确实存在。他指市民报税时所填写的T1报税表,上面有一栏“死亡日期”,政府主要是藉此知道某人是否已经过身。不过由于报税表都是填写上一年的资料,举例如果有人于2009年2月过世,家人在填报2008年税表时,不写上死亡日期,继续领取老人金或GST退税等福利。

陈作人强调,这种方法最多只能多拿几个月的老人金,且第二年报税时,如果照实填写死亡日期,政府便会知道“多发了老人金”。

他透露,政府一旦开始追查,发现去世长者的银行帐户为联名户口,便会转向联名人追讨多发出的老人金。如果过世长者家人利用“非法手段”,故意不填写死亡资料,藉此继续领取政府多发的老人金,若被揭发,有可能因“诈骗”行为而遭刑事检控。

陈作人指出,这种情况以前也有发生过,并不一定是华裔为主。他认为政府一定知道哪些长者已经过身,但是否会花费人力追讨多发出的老人金,则是另一回事。

他指以前并不常听到政府派调查员查领取老人金长者的情况,但近年却出现许多案例。他相信社区内“有太多人滥用政府的福利”,因此才让政府开始“猫捉老鼠”。此外,还有一些人“□到□数”之后,还向身边亲友“炫耀”,让其他人有样学样,才让问题愈来愈严重。

陈作人呼吁市民,如果长者过身,应将工卡等证件交还给政府,通知政府停止发放老人金。他指这是公民责任,认为市民不应只看到面前的利益,而萌生欺骗政府的念头。

本报曾试图联系负责发放老人金的加拿大人力资源部,询问政府在长者过世后,继续将老人金转帐至长者银行帐户的问题。不过至截稿为止,并未获回覆。

调查员无权查老人海外帐户 要求填写授权书仅为套资料

明报温哥华专讯/本报周二报道老人金调查员要求长者填写调查海外帐户授权书的案例,有会计师指调查单位无权限彻查海外资产,可能仅是为了“套资料”。市民在向政府官员签署任何文件前,皆可向官员要求一份影印本存证,防日后出现“特别状况”。

会计师陈作人表示,加拿大服务部老人金调查员的权限,按理并未达到彻查长者海外资产的层级。他认为人力资源部也不会清查移民海外资产,要求填写授权书只是“套资料策略”,看长者是否“讲大话”。

他指调查员会以一些小手段来套取需要的资讯,如果市民问心无愧,这些调查员也查不出什么疑点。

20091127/亚裔钓友遇袭案开审 控方陈词

玩“推日本仔落水” 被告蓄意拣华青施袭

明报/多市以北Sutton镇白人青年涉嫌推华裔钓客落水,引致打斗、追车失事及该华人的白人朋友头部重创而终身残废一案,昨天正式开审。该案检控官向陪审团陈词发指引称,陪审团将会听到有证供指该镇白人青年是特意到河边,找钓客玩“推日本仔落水”(nip-tipping)玩意而引发悲剧。

而昨天首名出庭作供的中国移民柳若珩在庭上说,当时他与6名包括白人及南亚裔人的旧同学到该地点钓鱼,但当地白人偏偏选他查钓鱼牌及推他落水。

24岁多市居民柳若珩于6岁时从中国移民加拿大,现职经济分析员。昨天他在庭上作供称,他不是钓鱼常客,2007年9月16日案发当晚,他是首次到该镇近Jackson’s Point湖边的Mossington Park蓝色桥上垂钓。

垂钓遭20当地人包围

他说,他们钓鱼约2小时后,便见到3辆开篷小货车(pick-up)驶至,跟□有15至20人走近包围他们,其中1名白人男子对他说他要尽加拿大人责任,故要查看他的钓鱼牌。

柳若珩称:“我的第一反应是问对方是否讲笑,但为了免麻烦,也开始拿银包出示鱼牌,此时即被另1人推落水。”

23岁被告Sutton镇白人男子米德尔顿(Trevor Middleton)接到的6项控罪,包括4项严重伤人和2项刑事疏忽引致他人受伤等罪。

检控官吉斯(Amit Ghosh)的开审陈词指那是涉及他在愤怒下驾驶其开篷小货车作武器,不断碰撞受害人的本田汽车,引致该车失事撞树及数人受伤,其中1人终身残废。

他指上述控罪已不包括被告推人落水。

约克区警队科学鉴证组布赖恩(Kevin Bryan)警长昨天出庭作供时展示了一些照片,显示被告的绿色福特F150开篷小货车的车头防撞杠有毁坏,同时有柳若珩当时驾驶的白色本田思域汽车车牌的凹印。他也指该辆全毁的白色本田思域汽车,曾3次被撞,包括车头、司机位车门及车身后左面都分别被撞。

保安影带证货车追撞受害人汽车

另外,案发现场附近的1间药房的保安摄录机,也拍下白色本田思域汽车被车追逐的情景。

检控官吉斯的开审陈词称,案发当晚约凌晨2时,被告与大批朋友总共驾3辆开篷小货车去“派对”,由被告领队到Mossington Park蓝色桥边。他不少友人已经喝醉,但被告可能只喝了少量酒。

被告的朋友韦彼得(Peter Way)当时乘坐被告驾驶的小货车,他听到有人说大家要去“推日本仔落水”。

被告的另1名朋友弗伦其(Stephen French) 曾作供指出,当时他喝得烂醉如泥,但相信见到被告将其中1名钓友推落水。最后总共有2名钓友被推落水,包括柳若珩及其友霍根(Charles Hogan)。

开审陈词也指当时该批人将钓客推落水后便打算驾车离去,但被告朋友佩里(Nick Perry)不知何故仍然留在河边,跟□他便与钓友发生打斗而受伤,跑向被告求救。

被告驾驶其货车与柳若珩驾驶的本田车相撞,跟□被告驾驶货车高速追逐本田车,并曾撞本田车尾。其后再有2辆开篷小货车加入追逐,本田车内有人致电报警。

华青友弹出车外伤脑永久伤残

本田车不久撞到大树全毁,该车后座2名乘客弹出车外,其中柳若珩的朋友,当时23岁白人男子贝里克(Shayne Berwick)弹出车外,头部及身体撞中大树而严重受伤,曾在医院昏迷了3个月,他断了10条肋骨。他现在脑部永久受伤,连说话都有困难,同时要坐轮椅。

柳若珩的另1名朋友霍根被弹出车后则跌落湖中,他头部及右手受伤。被告当时曾下车打算继续追打,但见状后离开现场。

平权会法援中心:案件涉种族歧视

数名关心该案进展的社区活跃分子及钓鱼会会员昨天也有出席听审,其中加拿大平权会多伦多分会主席孙嘉恩表示,开审陈词提出该案涉及“推日本仔落水”(nip-tipping),那属种族歧视,她希望被告受到罪有应得的惩罚。

大多伦多华人及东南亚人法律援助中心主任吴瑶瑶称,该案显示本国的种族歧视问题仍然严重,若法官判该案与仇恨罪案有关而判罪成的话,会有阻吓作用。

本身是钓客的社区活跃分子李百良称,他希望袭击亚裔钓客案件不再发生,下次他去钓鱼时不再害怕有人将他推落湖中。

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