Bob Rae
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The Hon. Robert Keith Rae
PC, OC, O.Ont, QC
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Liberal Party of Canada Candidate for
MP for Toronto Centre
Election date
TBA
Opponent(s) El-Farouk Khaki (NDP)
Mark Warner (Conservative)
Chris Tindal (Green)
Incumbent none since resignation of
Bill Graham (Liberal)
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21st Premier of Ontario
In office
October 1, 1990 – June 26, 1995
Preceded by David Peterson
Succeeded by Mike Harris
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5th Leader of the Ontario NDP
In office
February 7, 1982 – June 22, 1996
Preceded by Michael Cassidy
Succeeded by Howard Hampton
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Born August 02 1948 ( 1948-08-02) (age 59)
Ottawa, Ontario
Political party Liberal Party of Canada
Spouse Arlene Perly Rae
Residence Toronto, Ontario
Religion Anglican
Robert Keith “Bob” Rae, PC, OC, OOnt, QC (born August 2, 1948) is a Canadian politician. A former member of the New Democratic Party (NDP), he was the leader of the Ontario New Democratic Party from February 7, 1982 to June 22, 1996, and the 21st Premier of Ontario from October 1, 1990 to June 26, 1995. He is the only NDP member to serve as premier of a province east of Manitoba.
In 2006, he was a candidate for the leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada, finishing in third place on the third ballot. He is currently involved in crafting the Liberal election platform for the 40th Canadian federal election and is the Liberal Party’s candidate in the riding of Toronto Centre.
Rae is the Liberal Party’s candidate for the House of Commons in the riding of Toronto Centre. The riding is currently vacant following the retirement of Bill Graham on July 2, 2007. A by-election must be called within six months of that date unless there is an intervening general election. On August 15, 2007, Rae announced that he would undergo major surgery to repair an aneurysm developing in his aorta, and would need at least six weeks to recover.[1] On August 28, 2007, it was announced that Rae’s surgery had been postponed, but that he still intended to run in Toronto Centre whenever the by-election is called.[2]
Contents
1 Family
2 Early career
3 Federal politics
4 Ontario NDP leader
4.1 First session
4.2 1985 election and the Liberal-NDP Accord
4.3 Leader of the Opposition
4.4 Election victory
5 Premier
5.1 Rae’s Government policies
5.1.1 Economic policy
5.1.2 Labour policy
5.1.3 Health Policy
5.1.4 Auto insurance
5.1.5 Social policy
5.1.6 Aboriginal issues
5.1.7 Energy policy
5.1.8 Intergovernmental affairs
5.1.9 Law enforcement
5.1.10 Sunday shopping
5.2 1995 election
6 Out of politics, out of the NDP
7 Return as a Liberal
8 References
9 External links
10 Electoral Record
Family
Rae was born in Ottawa. His father, Saul, was an eminent Canadian career diplomat of Jewish and Scottish descent (raised as an Anglican)[3] who had postings in Washington, Geneva, New York, Mexico and The Hague.[4]
Rae’s brother, John, is a Vice-President of Power Corporation and a prominent member of the Liberal Party. He was also an adviser to Jean Chrétien from 1963 until Chrétien retired in 2003.[5] Rae’s younger brother, David, was diagnosed with lymphatic cancer in 1987. Despite a bone marrow transplant from his brother, he died of leukemia in 1989 at age 32.[6]
Rae’s sister, Jennifer, worked for many years for the IMAX Corporation but has now retired. She dated Pierre Trudeau for a time in the late 1960s.
Upon his marriage to Arlene Perly, Bob Rae agreed to raise his children in his wife’s Jewish faith, though he himself is an Anglican.[3]
Early career
Rae attended Crichton Street Public School in Ottawa, Horace Mann Public School and Gordon Junior High School in Washington, and the International School of Geneva. His first job was a paper route delivering the Washington Star tabloid, which he later described as “one of the worst newspapers in the history of modern journalism”. His customers included Richard Nixon and Estes Kefauver. Rae noted that, during one Christmas, Kefauver gave him a $20 tip, whereas Pat Nixon only gave him a quarter — and made him more sympathetic to Democrats from that moment.[7]
He graduated with honours from the University of Toronto, where he also later received his law degree. Michael Ignatieff, who later became Rae’s rival for the Liberal Party leadership, was his roommate for a time.[8] He first became involved in politics by volunteering on Trudeau’s 1968 Liberal leadership campaign, and later worked on Liberal Charles Caccia’s campaign in the 1968 federal election.[9] Rae and Caccia have remained personal friends through their political careers. During his final year as an undergraduate, Rae was a student representative on the Bissell Commission on University Government.[10]
As a result of his strong student record, Rae was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship to Oxford University, where he studied at Balliol College, Oxford under Isaiah Berlin.[11] His Bachelor’s thesis criticized the cultural imperialism of early Fabian socialists in the United Kingdom, such as Sidney and Beatrice Webb. During his period in Britain he became involved with social work, helping squatters find rental accommodation in London. He attributes the experience with helping him develop a deepened commitment to social justice and, on his return to Canada in 1974 Rae joined the social democratic NDP.[12] He worked in labour law during the mid-1970s.[13]
Federal politics
Rae was elected to the Canadian House of Commons in a 1978 by-election, defeating Progressive Conservative Tom Clifford by 420 votes in the Toronto riding of Broadview.[14] He was re-elected in the new riding of Broadview—Greenwood in the 1979 federal election, and gained national prominence as the NDP’s finance critic. In December 1979, Rae attached a rider to a budget bill proposed by the government of Joe Clark, declaring that “this House has lost confidence in the government.” It was this motion’s passage that toppled Clark’s government after only eight months.
Rae was elected to parliament for a third time in the 1980 federal election, and married Arlene Perly days later.[15] In caucus, he sided with party leader Ed Broadbent in supporting patriation of the Canadian Constitution with a Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[16] He also articulated his party’s policy on the Canadian Bank Act, and criticized the Bank of Canada’s high interest rate policy.[17]
During the same period, the Ontario New Democratic Party was suffering from internal disunity under the leadership of Michael Cassidy. Cassidy resigned as leader after a poor performance in the 1981 provincial election, and a movement began to draft Rae as his replacement.[18] Rae initially declined a request from a provincial delegation led by Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) Dave Cooke, but reconsidered after further entreatments from former Ontario NDP leader Stephen Lewis and many others. Eleven of the party’s 21 MPPs endorsed his candidacy, as did much of the labour movement.[19] He was the most centrist candidate in the contest, and easily defeated Richard Johnston and Jim Foulds at a leadership convention in early 1982.
When Rae won the NDP leadership, the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party had governed Ontario since 1943 and was widely regarded as unbeatable. Rae was strongly critical of the governing party’s approach to social issues, and used his acceptance speech to describe the PC Party’s Ontario as “Toryland”, “essentially a country club in which women and people of colour were not welcome”. His comments were criticized by some in the media, though Rae himself would later write that his words seemed “particularly apt” in retrospect and “certainly aroused an angry response which often means a target has been hit”.[20]
Ontario NDP leader
First session
After Rae won the party leadership, there was a delay of several months before he was able to contest a by-election to enter the Ontario legislature. Members of Provincial Parliament (MPPs) Jim Renwick, Marion Bryden and Tony Grande all declined to relinquish their seats, before former party leader Donald C. MacDonald agreed to stand down in the York South constituency.[21] Rae defeated Liberal candidate John Nunziata, a York councillor, in a by-election on November 4, 1982. Counting the leadership contest, this was his fifth election in just over four years.
The opposition Liberals were led by the inexperienced David Peterson. Many senior NDP strategists believed their party could surpass the Liberals for second place, and Rae and Peterson became frequent rivals for media attention and public support between 1982 and 1985.[22] The NDP took two seats from the Liberals in late 1984 by-elections, and polling by Decima Research from this period put them slightly ahead of the Liberals, although still well behind the PCs.
1985 election and the Liberal-NDP Accord
The NDP did not, however, make the anticipated gains in the 1985 provincial election. They won 25 seats out of 125, only a modest improvement from their 1981 showing. The Progressive Conservatives lost support after choosing right-wing candidate Frank Miller as their new leader, but it was the Liberals rather than the NDP who were able to reposition themselves in the political centre and reap the benefits of this change.
Rae nonetheless played a pivotal role in bringing the Progressive Conservative Party’s 42-year dynasty to an end. The 1985 election resulted in a minority parliament, in which the Tories held four more seats than David Peterson’s Liberals, but were eleven seats short of a majority. After a series of negotiations, begun by a phone call from Rae to Peterson shortly after election day, Rae and Peterson signed a “Liberal-NDP Accord” in which the NDP agreed to support a Liberal government in office for two years. The Liberals, in turn, agreed to implement some policies favoured by the NDP. Rae had personally supported a full coalition, but did not strongly argue this case with other members of his party. Peterson later indicated that he would not have accepted a coalition in any event.[23][24]
The Progressive Conservatives were defeated in a no-confidence motion on June 18, 1985, and Lieutenant-Governor John Black Aird asked Peterson to form a new government. Rae himself moved the motion of non-confidence, as he had done in the defeat of Joe Clark’s government six years earlier.[25] With support from Rae, Peterson’s government implemented socially progressive legislation on matters such as pay equity, brought an end to extra-billing by doctors, and established campaign spending limits.[26] Rae often criticized Peterson’s approach to specific issues, but never moved to bring down the government.[27]
Rae advocated pension reform in early 1986, following revelations that some corporate leaders in Ontario had been given permission to withdraw money from their employees’ pension funds. He was especially critical of Conrad Black, who then held a controlling interest in Dominion Stores Ltd., for withdrawing $62 million at a time when many laid off company workers were unable to receive severance pay. During a legislative debate, Rae described Black as “that most symbolic representative of bloated capitalism at its worst”.[28] The Liberal government declined to act on the matter. Later in the same year, Rae argued that the Peterson government should reform the Ontario Human Rights Code to include provisions for group defamation and systematic discrimination.[29]
Some members of the NDP disapproved of the party’s accord with the Liberals.[30] Party activist Ian Orenstein challenged Rae for the provincial leadership in 1986 in a symbolic protest against the party’s centrist tilt. Rae won without difficulty.[31]
Leader of the Opposition
The Peterson government was very popular during its first two years in office, and the Liberal Party won a landslide majority government in the 1987 provincial election, called after the conclusion of the Liberal-NDP accord. The NDP was reduced to nineteen seats and Rae was nearly defeated in his own riding, defeating high-profile Liberal challenger Alan Tonks by only 333 votes. The Progressive Conservatives suffered an even more serious defeat, falling to only sixteen seats. As a result, Rae became Leader of the Opposition once the legislature resumed.
In September 1989, Rae took part in a highly-publicized protest in support of native land claims in the middle of the Temagami Forest in Northern Ontario. Following discussions with Chief Gary Potts, Rae agreed to participate in a road sit-in to protect a strand of old pine, a key aspect of the native claim. After the protest, Rae was escorted to a police wagon by members of the Ontario Provincial Police and driven to the nearby town of Elk Lake. He was not charged with an offense.[32]
There was considerable speculation that Rae would seek the federal NDP leadership in 1989, after the resignation of Ed Broadbent. High-profile party members such as former Ontario NDP leader Stephen Lewis, Allan Blakeney and Roy Romanow of Saskatchewan, Gary Doer of Manitoba and Alexa McDonough of Nova Scotia all encouraged him to run, as did several representatives of organized labour.[33] Expecting Rae to resign, Bud Wildman, Ruth Grier and Richard Johnston began preparing campaigns to succeed him as leader of the Ontario NDP. On October 5, 1989, however, Rae announced that he would not return to federal politics and would remain as provincial leader. Several of Rae’s associates, including Arlene Perly Rae, declared their support for Howard McCurdy, and later moved to Audrey McLaughlin after McCurdy was dropped from the ballot at the leadership convention. Rae declined to endorse a candidate.[34]
Rae was an international observer for Lithuania’s first multi-party elections in early 1990. A lifelong opponent of communism, he later wrote that he was impressed by the spirit of the opposition Sajudis party, which won the election.[35] He was also very critical of the Kremlin’s harsh response to the opposition’s victory.[36]
Election victory
Peterson called a snap election for 1990. The NDP entered the campaign with low expectations, as the Liberals still held a significant lead in opinion polls and all signs indicated that they would win another majority government. Rae later acknowledged that he did not expect to win the election, and planned to leave electoral politics at some point in the next sitting of the legislature.[37] A number of prominent MPPs, including Richard Johnston, Marion Bryden and David Reville, chose not to seek re-election. Floyd Laughren was also planning to retire, but had not finalized his plans when Peterson dropped the writ.
Contrary to expectations, the Liberal Party’s support base declined significantly in mid-campaign. The snap election was interpreted by many voters as a sign of arrogance, while lingering effects from an earlier scandal involving Liberal fundraiser Patti Starr undermined public confidence in the government. Also, while both Rae and Peterson supported the Meech Lake Accord for constitutional reform (which proved unpopular in Ontario), Peterson’s prominent role in drafting the accord proved a particular liability. There were also signs of an economic downturn by this time and some believed that Peterson had called the snap election to avoid its full impact.[38] The Progressive Conservatives were led by the inexperienced Mike Harris, who ran a narrow campaign focused on tax issues and was unable to capitalize on the Liberal slide. As such, Rae’s NDP was the primary beneficiary. Rae himself was more confidant than in the 1985 and 1987 campaigns, and took a more aggressive stance against the Peterson government.[39] A poll taken late in the campaign showed the NDP holding a slight lead over the Liberals.[40]
The election results were nonetheless a surprise to political observers across the province, even to longtime NDP supporters. The NDP was elected to a strong majority government with 74 seats. The popular vote was very close, with the NDP outpolling the Liberals 37% to 34%. Several ridings were won by narrow margins. However, the NDP managed to take many seats from the Liberals in the Greater Toronto Area, and also did better than ever before (or in some cases, since) in many other cities and rural areas. Due to a quirk in the first-past-the-post system, this decimated the Liberal caucus. The Liberals lost 59 seats, the worst defeat in their history and the second-worst defeat for a governing party in Ontario. The NDP even managed to unseat Peterson in his own riding.
Premier
On October 1, 1990, Rae was sworn in as the first NDP premier of Ontario. He also took the Intergovernmental Affairs portfolio, giving himself a direct voice in future constitutional negotiations.
He was very popular for his first six months as Premier, with a poll from March 1991 showing the NDP at 52% support.[41] The federal NDP also received 56% support in Ontario in a January 1991 poll.[42]
The government was unable to sustain its popularity, however, and by late 1992 had fallen to third place in public opinion polls. The party’s popularity continued to ebb throughout 1993, followed by only a modest recovery in the next two years. This, combined with the unpopularity of Michael Harcourt’s New Democratic Party government in British Columbia, led to a significant decline in support for the federal NDP.
There are many reasons for the Rae government’s loss of popularity between 1991 and 1993. The NDP had never governed Ontario before, and Ontario was experiencing its worst recession since the Great Depression. The government backtracked on several campaign promises, most notably the introduction of public auto insurance, which caused disagreements among the party and supporters, especially left-wingers such as cabinet ministers Howard Hampton and Shelley Martel. A number of scandals in cabinet and caucus also cut into the government’s popularity.
In the 1993 federal election, the NDP fell to a historic low of 6% support in Ontario. All 10 NDP MPs from Ontario lost their seats to Liberal challengers as the Liberals won all but one seat in the province. Besides many NDP supporters nationwide voting Liberal to ensure that the Conservatives would be defeated (to avoid the vote-splitting in the 1988 election), the Rae government’s unpopularity was a major factor in the federal NDP’s losses. On the day after the election, defeated MP Steven Langdon called on Rae to resign. Langdon had openly campaigned against Rae’s austerity measures. Although he lost by 13,000 votes to the Liberal candidate, he received a higher percentage of votes than any other NDP candidate in the province.
Notwithstanding its setbacks, the Rae government achieved some positive accomplishments during its time in office. It saved many jobs in northern Ontario through its bailout of Algoma Steel, and negotiated a similar contract for workers in Kapuskasing. Other popular initiatives included the TTC Eglinton subway extension in Toronto (although the project was terminated a year later), support for public housing, and the Jobs Ontario job creation program. Rae’s decision to approve casino gambling for the province was also opposed by many in the party but it provided a steady source of revenue.
Rae’s Government policies
Economic policy
Ontario’s economic forecast was bleak when Rae took office in October 1990. The Liberal government had forecast a small surplus earlier in the year, but a worsening North American economy led to a $700 million deficit before Rae took office. In October, the NDP projected a $2.5 billion deficit for the fiscal year ending on March 31, 1991.[43] Some economists projected soaring deficits for the upcoming years, even if the Rae government implemented austerity measures.[44] Rae himself was critical of the federal government’s high interest rate policy, arguing that it would lead to increased unemployment throughout the country.[45] He also criticized the 1991 federal budget, arguing the Finance Minister Michael Wilson was shifting the federal debt to the provinces.[46]
The Rae government’s first budget, introduced in 1991, increased social spending to mitigate the economic slowdown and projected a record deficit of $9.1 billion. Finance Minister Floyd Laughren argued that Ontario made a decision to target the recession rather than the deficit, and said that the budget would create or protect 70,000 jobs. It targeted more money to social assistance, social housing and child benefits, and raised taxes for high-income earners while lowering rates for 700,000 low-income Ontarians.[47]
Reflecting on the budget a few years later, journalist Thomas Walkom described it as following a Keynesian orthodoxy, spending money in the public sector to stimulate employment and productivity. Unfortunately, it did not achieve its stated purpose due to the unforeseen severity of the recession. Walkom described the budget as “the worst of both worlds”, angering the business community but not doing enough to provide for public relief.
Rae was initially one of the most prominent opponents of the North American Free Trade Agreement in Canada. During a meeting with Mexican President Carlos Salinas de Gortari in 1991, he argued that any proposed North American free trade zone would have to incorporate common environmental and labour standards.[48]
Labour policy
In April 1991, the government introduced a one-year program to protect the pay of workers whose firms had shut down due to the recession. Labour Minister Bob Mackenzie estimated that the plan would help 56,000 workers.[49]
The government changed its economic focus after 1991, and implemented budget cutbacks to control the province’s mounting deficit. His government also brought in the Social Contract, austerity legislation which reopened collective bargaining agreements with the province’s public sector unions. This legislation imposed a wage freeze and introduced what became known as “Rae days”, giving civil servants (including teachers, doctors, nurses, etc.) ten days off without pay per year. These cutbacks led to a falling-out with both the public sector unions, most notably Ontario Public Service Employees Union (OPSEU), and the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) and its leader Buzz Hargrove. Sid Ryan, Ontario President of the Canadian Union of Public Employees, referred to the Social Contract as the worst labour legislation he had ever seen.
This breach between the NDP and the labour movement struck at the party’s foundations. The NDP was founded as an alliance between the old Cooperative Commonwealth Federation and the labour movement, and Rae’s policy decisions alienated many traditional NDP voters. Thousands of members resigned from the party, and several unions turned against the NDP and vowed to defeat the government in the next election. The Rae government later attempted to regain labour support by passing Bill 40, a measure which (among other things) introduced anti-scab provisions to the province. This was not enough to bridge the gap with organized labour, however, and the party was unable to regain significant union support.
Health Policy
As Premier, Rae placed a cap on enrollment into medical schools.[50]
Auto insurance
The New Democratic Party campaigned on a promise to introduce public auto insurance in the 1987 and 1990 campaigns. After assuming office, Rae appointed Peter Kormos, one of the most vocal proponents of public insurance, as the minister responsible for bringing forward the policy.[51] With the onset of the recession, however, both business and labour groups expressed concern about layoffs and lost revenues.[52] The government backtracked from the policy in 1991. Kormos, who had already been dropped from cabinet, became Rae’s most vocal critic in the NDP caucus.
Social policy
Rae’s government attempted to introduce a variety of socially progressive measures during its time in office, though its success in this field was mixed. In 1994, the government introduced legislation which would have provided for same-sex partnership benefits in the province. At the time, this legislation was seen as a revolutionary step forward for same-sex recognition. It was defeated, however, when twelve NDP MPPs (including two junior ministers) voted against it.
The Rae government established an employment equity commission in 1991,[53] and two years later introduced policy to improve the numbers of women, non-whites, aborginals and disabled persons working in the public sector. This policy was controversial. There is little doubt that the controversy cost the NDP support among its working-class base in some areas.[citation needed]
In November 1990, the Rae government announced that it would restrict most rent increases to 4.6% for the present year and 5.4% for 1991. The provisions for 1990 were made retroactive. Tenants’ groups supported these changes, while landlord representatives were generally opposed.[54] Dave Cooke, the minister responsible for implementing the policy, later announced that he would work to factor in the costs of legitimate building renovations.[55]
When campaigning in 1990, Rae promised that he would eliminate food banks through anti-poverty initiatives. After taking office, however, his government committed a significant sum of money to support Ontario’s existing food banks. Gerard Kennedy, leader of the Daily Bread Food Bank in Toronto, criticized Rae for not targeting the money toward affordable housing and welfare reforms.[56] In April 1991, Community and Social Services minister Zanana Akande announced that food banks would have to remain open in light of changed economic circumstances.[57] As the recession grew worse, they became an established feature of Ontario life.
Rae increased the basic social assistance allowance by 7% in 1991, and increased the maximum payment for shelter allowances by 10%.[58]
Aboriginal issues
Soon after assuming office in 1990, Rae announced his support for native Canadians’ “inherent right to self-government”.[59] He later worked to help six aboriginal bands in Northern Ontario gain reserve status,[60] and called for self-government on the Akwesasne Indian Reserve, in part to help the reserve leaders combat smuggling.[61] Rae also pushed for native rights to be included in future constitutional reforms.[62]
Energy policy
In November 1990, the Rae government announced an indefinite moratorium on the construction of new nuclear plants in Ontario.[63] He consistently opposed plans to privatize Ontario Hydro.[64]
Intergovernmental affairs
In March 1991, Rae announced that he would support a new round of constitutional negotiations between the federal government and the provinces, which ultimately proved to be unsuccesful. He indicated that Ontario was willing to recognize Quebec as a distinct society, and called for aboriginal and women’s rights to be entrenched in the Canadian Constitution. Rae also supported the creation of a “social charter”, to establish national standards for social programs such as medicare.[65]
Early in his term, Rae indicated that his government would continue a long-standing development freeze in Toronto’s Harbourfront area, to ensure the survival of cultural programs in the area.[66]
Law enforcement
Rae endorsed Susan Eng’s successful bid to chair the Metro Toronto Police Services Board in early 1991. Eng’s selection was opposed by some police officers.[67] Rae later introduced policies requiring Ontario police services to hire more women, disabled people, native Canadians and members of visible minority groups.[68]
Sunday shopping
After assuming office, Rae announced that his government planned to introduce legislation for a “common pause day” across Ontario, to help “to help strengthen family and community life while protecting small business and the rights of workers”. In practice, this initiative would have required many retail establishments to close on Sundays, with exemptions for religious minority communities.[69] Many retail owners opposed this initiative.
1995 election
Rae’s popularity had recovered somewhat by 1995, but by the time the writs were dropped for that year’s provincial election it was obvious that the NDP would not be re-elected.
The official opposition Liberals were expected to be the primary benefactors of the NDP’s unpopularity. They had recovered from their severe defeat of five years earlier, and had led in opinion polls since 1992. However, several unpopular policy reversals and mistakes by Liberal leader Lyn McLeod allowed Mike Harris and the Tories to benefit from the swing in support away from the NDP. While the NDP polled considerably better in northern Ontario than it did in 1990, it lost much of its support in rest of the province, especially the 905 region where they had won so many seats five years earlier. In addition, several working-class ridings who had long voted NDP shifted to the Tories in response to Harris’ populism. Ending up, the Tories shot from third place to a landslide majority government, sweeping the NDP from power. The NDP fell to only seventeen seats and third place in the Legislative Assembly.
Rae himself was reelected in his own riding by over 3,000 votes. However, on February 29, 1996; he resigned as NDP leader and MPP for York South and moved to positions in law, academia and the private sector. He was eventually succeeded as party leader by Howard Hampton, who was formerly Natural Resources Minister in Rae’s cabinet and a longtime left-wing rival. Liberal Gerard Kennedy succeeded Rae as MPP for York South.
Out of politics, out of the NDP
Rae resigned from the New Democratic Party in the late 1990s, due to his appointment to the Security Intelligence Review Committee. There was some speculation that Prime Minister Jean Chrétien would appoint him Governor-General in 1999, but he was passed over in favour of Adrienne Clarkson. There was further speculation that Rae would return to the federal Liberals and run under their banner in the 2000 election, though nothing came of this at the time.
Rae was made an Officer of the Order of Canada in 2000, and in 2004 he was awarded the Order of Ontario. He was appointed the sixth chancellor of Wilfrid Laurier University on July 2, 2003, and was installed at that school’s fall convocation in October. Rae is currently a partner of Goodmans LLP, a Toronto-based corporate law firm, an adjunct professor at the University of Toronto, and a Senior Fellow of Massey College. He has written two books: From Protest to Power: personal reflections on a life in politics (1996) and Three Questions: Prosperity and the Public Good (1998). He is the national spokesperson for the Leukemia Research Foundation.
Rae returned to active politics on April 16, 2002, two days after Mike Harris announced his resignation as premier, with an opinion piece in the National Post newspaper. In an article entitled, “Parting Company with the NDP”, Rae strongly criticized what he perceived as a bias against Israel in the federal party, and also criticized the NDP for rejecting Tony Blair’s Third Way socialism and for refusing to accept globalization and open markets. He suggested that the party’s economic policies were insufficient for the 21st century, and that the party as a whole was no longer “worthy of support”.
The Ontario NDP has distanced itself from Rae’s policies under Hampton. During the 2003 provincial election, Hampton argued that Rae was wrong to reverse the NDP’s commitment to public auto insurance. The party’s relations with the labour movement have not completely healed, although the situation has improved since 1993. Relations with the CAW remain especially fraught, and memories of the social contract have hurt the NDP’s credibility with a new generation of public sector workers, despite the party’s efforts to distance itself from the measure. Nonetheless, the Ontario NDP has never come close to the popularity it enjoyed in the early 1990s, and is still in third place in the Legislative Assembly. Under Hampton, it actually lost official party status in the 2003 election.
Rae worked on the Red Cross tainted blood issue and also worked towards a resolution of the fishing conflict in Burnt Church, New Brunswick.
In 2005, Rae wrote a report for the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty on post-secondary education, commonly referred to as the Rae Report. While his report called for increased government funding to colleges and universities, and enhanced student aid especially for low-income students, his proposals on student tuition fees were more controversial. Rae’s report suggested that individual institutions ought to be able to determine what rate of tuition fees to charge, free from government controls. Student groups have objected, noting the significant recent increases in tuition fees in Ontario under the government of Mike Harris, and the 57 per cent increase in tuition fees during his tenure as premier. Rae defended his report, arguing that low income non-university individuals would not benefit from a tuition freeze/lowering, as well as being forced to bear the tax burden needed to enact it.
Rae has also become involved with international issues in recent years. In 2002 and 2003, as chair of the Forum of Federations he helped oversee constitutional discussions between the government of Sri Lanka and Tamil Tiger rebels.[70] On April 26, 2005, he was appointed to advise Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan on whether or not there should be a government inquiry into the 1985 Air India disaster. On November 23, 2005, Rae recommended further inquiry into the investigation and prosecution.[71]
In July 2005, The Globe and Mail and the National Post both reported that Rae was again being considered for appointment to the position of Governor General. However, Rae was passed over again, this time in favour of Micha?lle Jean.
Return as a Liberal
See also: Liberal Party of Canada leadership convention, 2006
In a July 2005 interview with Michael Valpy, Rae indicated that he was still committed to public life and public service. Valpy’s feature on Rae included a comment by Arlene Perly Rae that he could return to politics if there was a national unity crisis.
On November 23, 2005, Rae presented his recommendations that there should be a formal but focused inquiry into the Air India disaster. Two days later, Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan announced Rae’s appointment to conduct a limited inquiry into Air India under a government order-in-council. Rae produced a comprehensive report outlining the key issues that could be addressed, leaving Air India Victims’ families spokeswoman Lata Pada “encouraged that demands for answers will be addressed”.
On August 24 2005, the Toronto Star reported that Rae was under “mounting pressure” to run for the federal Liberals in the 2006 general election. Though it was unclear how long the Air India inquiry was to last, Rae’s appointment precluded any possibility of his running as a candidate in the January 23rd election. A poll by SES Research suggested that Rae was tied for second place behind Frank McKenna as a prospective candidate to lead the federal Liberals. McKenna decided afterwards not to contest the leadership.
The new government of Stephen Harper appointed a judge to handle the Air India inquiry in March 2006 thus releasing Rae from his previous commitment and freeing him for a possible run for the Liberal Party leadership.
In a speech to the Canadian Club of Winnipeg on March 13, 2006, Rae expressed his interest in uniting the ‘progressive’ forces of Canada in order to regain a majority government in the Canadian House of Commons. “There’s a progressive record that’s shared by a majority of Canadians, but so far, we have not succeeded in becoming a majority in the House of Commons, so we must think a bit about how that can happen.”
On April 5, 2006, Rae applied for membership in the Liberal Party. His candidacy for the federal party leadership was supported by Greg Sorbara and George Smitherman,[72] former Chretien aides Eddie Goldenberg and Rae’s brother John,[73] as well as former top Martin advisor John Webster and others associated with the Martin camp.[74] He officially announced his candidacy on April 24, 2006. At his campaign launch he responded to his critics by saying “I made mistakes before I was in politics, I made mistakes when I was in politics, I made mistakes as premier… I can only tell you I have learned from those mistakes and I am the wiser for them.[75]
On May 12, 2006, venerable Trudeau era cabinet minister Allan MacEachen backed Rae’s leadership bid becoming honorary campaign chair.[76]On June 16, former Ontario Liberal Party leader and provincial treasurer Robert Nixon, who sat as leader of the opposition to Rae’s Ontario government for a time, endorsed Rae[9]. He was also endorsed by MPs Irwin Cotler, Ujjal Dosanjh, Lawrence MacAulay, Diane Marleau and Brian Murphy, as well as several Senators.[77] Rival candidate Maurizio Bevilacqua withdrew from the contest on August 14 to endorse Rae,[78] and Carolyn Bennett did the same on September 15,[79] followed by Hedy Fry on September 25[80] and John Godfrey on October 20.
On the night of December 1st at the Convention, Bob Rae spoke freely without notes rather than make a formal speech. Rival candidate Joe Volpe announced his support for Rae after the speeches were concluded. On the morning of December 2nd, after finishing second on the first ballot, rival candidate Scott Brison, moved to Rae and yet another rival candidate, Ken Dryden, moved to him after the second ballot. However, Rae lost his bid for the leadership in the third round of Convention balloting, placing third behind both Michael Ignatieff and Stephane Dion, who had leapfrogged into first after receiving the support of Gerard Kennedy. Rae then freed his delegates and did not indicate who he supported on the final ballot; Dion won the leadership.
Despite the loss of the Liberal leadership, Rae has indicated that he would like to run for a federal seat in the House of Commons in the next federal election.[81] On March 7, 2007, Rae announced that he would seek the Liberal nomination in Toronto Centre.[82] On March 26, 2007, he won the party’s nomination, defeating Toronto lawyer and human rights advocate Meredith Cartwright with 532 votes to her 267. [83]
Several days following his defeat at the leadership convention it was reported that Rae had been the target of an anti-Semitic smear. Rae’s wife, Arlene Perly Rae was approached by a delegate who did not know who she was, and who told her that she should not vote for Rae because his wife is Jewish. A flyer was also sent electronically to convention delegates, stating that Rae’s wife was a vice-president of the Canadian Jewish Congress and that he was a supporter of Israeli apartheid[84]. The Canadian Press reported that the flyer was produced by Ron Saba, the editor of a small Montreal journal. Newly elected Liberal leader Stephane Dion issued a press release condemning the “hateful comments” made against Rae and his wife, saying that they are “reprehensible and will not be tolerated within the Liberal Party of Canada,” adding that “there is no room for abhorrent comments such as these within our Party.”[85]
Rae has since been named as co-chairman of the Liberals’ platform development committee, along with Scott Brison. This was part of Dion’s strategy to reunite the party by appointing his rivals for the leadership to key posts in the party.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Rae
